ALLIANCE 26
May 1997
CIVIL WAR - IN ALBANIA
====================================================
CONTENTS :
INTRODUCTION
PART ONE
Short Chronology Events In Albania
1991-1997
PART TWO
Documents Relating to the Communist
Party Albania . Reprinted materials Communist Party Albania; Nostra Lotta
(Italy); KPD (Germany); and Evrem (Turkey);
PART THREE :
Albania, The Balkans, & The
continuing Inter- Imperialist Struggle Between USA & EEC
_____________________________________________
INTRODUCTION
We have received communications from
parts of the Communist Party Of Albania,
which ask that international Communists and Marxist-Leninists disseminate
news of events in Albania. We readily and happily comply. In May
1996, Alliance had already analyzed the events around the fraudulent
so-called elections (Please see Alliance Number
21 : Special Bulletin :'Recent Events in Albania & Kosovo').
In Issue 21, we contended, that the
rapid and vicious attack upon the Red Structure in Albania, contrasted
with the slow and stealthy attack on the Socialist state of the USSR. We
also pointed out that the 1996 fraudulent elections, had resulted in widespread
condemnation of Berisha's capitalist leadership by international bodies
such as the Human Rights Watch and the Organization for Security &
Cooperation In Europe (OSCE). We pointed out that the events in Kosova
complicated those of the Balkans, where the inter-imperialist war by proxy
of the USA and the EEC imperialists was taking place (See also
Alliance Number 18 : Events In Former Yugoslavia & Roots of Great
Serb Chauvinism'). We then suggested that the USA was trying
to extricate itself from support of Berisha, in order to have a more 'stable'
client-state situation in Albania. Finally we ended by the statement that
:
"The legacy of the Hoxha years is the higher class militancy
and understanding of the Albanian peoples, that will result in a relentless
struggle to re-gain their socialist state... The Party of Labour of Albania
is being re-built."
We believe that in large measure, the
picture painted in Alliance Number 21 was right. We ourselves, were unable
to confirm this directly from within Albania itself. Our own contacts had
been with elements of the Communist Party Albania, who had collaborated
with the initiatives of "International Struggle
Marxist-Leninist" (See International Struggle
Marxist-Leninist Issues 1 & 2; 1996-1997; Toronto).
We were forced to deduce that our Albanian
comrades were perhaps imprisoned. Since that time, events have moved rapidly.
Clearly, a Civil War is now taking place in the former Socialist state
of Albania. Unfortunately it takes place in the context of a State that
has already viciously suppressed, at least some of leading Marxist-Leninist
elements of the former Party Labour Albania
(PLA).
Most of the
recent information that we in Alliance were able to obtain, till that point,
was from the bourgeois press. We are sincerely, doubly indebted then, to
'Nostra Lotta' ('Our Fight'
- Rome, Italy), and to Rafael M (Both working with other parties and organisations
of the Quito Grouping around the journal
"Unity & Struggle" . [See
Alliance Number 19: "Towards a
New Comintern: Problems And The Trends Today",
which describes our differences with the approach of the Quito grouping]
) who have made available to us, documents, signed as coming from
the Communist Party of Albania (CPA). In this
issue, we will :
I) IN PART 1 : Give
a very simple chronology of events since 1991.
ii) IN PART 2: Reprint materials
from the CPA & helpful articles and interviews by Nostra Lotta &
KPD (Germany); and from the Turkish paper Evrem - printed in Germany;
iii) PART 3 : Examine
how Albanian events dove-tail into current imperialist plans for a world
re-division. This attempts a brief up-date, to our previous analysis of
the situation in Albania.
Alliance has never shirked from its view
expressed in one way or another, in all its work, that apart from the USSR
under Lenin & Stalin, the world has seen only one other proletarian
socialist state - The People's Socialist Republic
of Albania (PSRA).
We are aware of difficulties that
must face the CPA. We know, that Marxist-Leninists forces working inside
war conditions of subterfuge, cannot be totally open internationally, or
even, nationally (See Statement of CPA CC member to interview with Turkish
paper Evrem, published in Germany- In Part Two, this issue). Although we
have no access to party documents that can authenticate a Party programme,
we must and do assume, that the CPA leadership, are the true heirs of the
former, Enver Hoxha's, great PLA.
It should not
be surprising, given the massive repression following the death of Hoxha
and the revisionist take-over by Ramiz Alia, if there is some considerable
confusion inside Albania. Perhaps it may even extend to genuine Marxist-Leninists.
Suppression, with consequent secrecy makes open organizing communist practice
difficult - if not impossible. No doubt, any such confusion is naturally
greater for comrades outside Albania, who are straining to understand who
exactly are the participants in the struggle. This struggle has now taken
on the dimensions of a class based civil war.
Standing outside
Albania, at the sidelines, we do not suggest any other path than that of
Hoxha and his heirs. We believe that the party leadership of the CPA knows
its own conditions best of all. But, whilst hesitating, lest we give meaningless
and fatuously easy-to-give advice from the side-lines, we do urge our Albanian
comrades, on only one matter. That is to make clear their Programme,
as far as this is possible. This will surely have many positive effects
inside Albania. For us and others outside Albania, it would lead to a better
and wider sympathy of their heroic struggles - one that is tempered by
an understanding of their positions. Current different interpretations
exist regarding the present situation in Albania. Such an open statement
of Programmes would assist clarification.
We freely state,
that for some time we have not had the possibility of direct communication
with elements of the CPA. However, we have to surmise, in the absence of
concrete information to the contrary, that ALL
elements that have operated under the names of the Communist Party Albania,
are ALL in the forefront of the struggle
against imperialism and internal fascism and revanchism led by Berisha.
We would sincerely like to express
our wish, to all those in the Communist party, and those working with it
- strength and victory in their current heroic struggles.
LONG LIVE THE WORKERS AND PEASANTS
OF ALBANIA!
LONG LIVE THE HEIRS OF THE PARTY
LABOUR ALBANIA! LONG
LIVE ALBANIAN SOCIALISM!
LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST PARTY
OF ALBANIA!
A BRIEF CHRONOLOGY OF RECENT MAJOR
EVENTS IN ALBANIA (1989-1897).
Two initial reminders
November 1982: Ramiz
Alia replaced Haxhi Lleshi
as President of the Presidium of the People's Assembly.
April 1985. Enver
Hoxha dies. The USSR state message of condolence is rejected.
Ramiz Alia replaces Hoxha as First Secretary of the PLA. Alia pledges to
"uphold the independent policies of Hoxha". Nexhmije
Hoxha (Enver Hoxha's widow) is elected Chairman of the General
Council of the Democratic Front Albania.
Chronology:
February 1988 Balkan meeting
of all six Balkan nations -all meet first time in 50 years.
Early 1989 Relations with
Yugoslavia deteriorate rapidly, many ethnic Albanians killed in Kosovo.
November 1989 An "amnesty'
for all political detainees is announced. December
1989 There are major "anti-Government" demonstrations in Skhoder.
The exiled Royalist Lekha
urges from his South African exile, that the"Albanians" revolt.
January 1990 Ramiz Alia
announces : "Political and economic reforms" including : choice at elections;
decentralization of economic planning; a reduction of capital offenses
from 34 to 11.
Foreign capital allowed in establishing of "Joint Ventures".
Anti-state agitation and propaganda is no longer an offense.
'Economic reforms' also announced. Passports to be issued for all travel
purposes.
July 1990 Anti-Government
forces occupy streets of Tirana. Exodus of Albanian emigrants, occupy the
grounds of foreign embassies demanding 'evacuation as refugees'. Multi-national
agencies coordinated by the UN evacuates in total more than 5,000 persons.
November 1990 By now the
Council of Ministers And the Political Bureau of the PLA has been purged.
Announcement for elections to beheld in February 91.
December 1990 Announced
that elections will be accompanied by "establishment of independent political
parties." Nexhmije Hoxha 'resigned'
from the Chairmanship of the General Council of the DFA, is replaced by
Adil Carcani (who is replaced in mid
1991). Several ministerial portfolios removed from incumbents.
1991 Albania joins World
bank, the IMF, and new European Bank for Reconstruction & Development
(EBRD).
February 1991. Ramiz Alia
declares Presidential rule, with an 8 member Presidential Council. Adil
Carcani was replaced as Chairman of the Council of Ministers by Fatos
Nano , a "Progressive economist". Nano was already Deputy Chairman
from January. Severe street battles with anti-Hoxha forces winning streets.
Elections postponed to March.
March 1990 It is estimated
that some 20,000 people have emigrated from Albania and sailed to Italy.
Now a further "general amnesty"is declared for all political prisoners.
July 1990 Albania and USSR
formally agree to restore diplomatic relations. March-April
1991 13 March-7th & 14 April: Elections show victory for the
PLA :
PLA & affiliated parties win 169 out of 250 possible
seats. The Democratic Party (DPA) wins
75 sets; The Democratic Union of Greek majority
(OMONIA) wins 5 seats. The DPA alleges electoral malpractice
aimed at the victory of the PLA.
Diplomatic relations between USA & Albania established.
April 1991 Interim Constitution
replaces the Socialist constitution of 1976. Country re-named as the Republic
of Albania (Formerly the Peoples Republic Of Socialist Albania). Ramiz
Alia lost his seat in the elections, but is elected to the new
post of President by the People's Assembly. But President Alia resigns
from leadership of the PLA to accord with the rule of the new constitution.
Fatos Nano still of the PLA, now Chairman
of Council of Ministers.
May 1991 Union of Independent
Trade Unions (UITUA) newly established.
Initiates a general strike for higher wages and reassignation of Government.
June 1991 Nano government steps
down. Government of "national stability" appointed led by Ylli
Bufi. This is a coalition of PLA, DPA, The Albanian republican
Party (ARP), the Social Democratic party (SDP), and the Agrarian Party,
and 9 other 'independent parties'. Gramoz Pashko
leader of the DPA appointed Deputy Chairman.
At the 10th Congress of the
PLA, the PLA re-names itself the "Socialist Party of Albania (SPA).
August 1991 Arrests start
of former PLA official and leaders. Manush Mytfiu,
former Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers arrested for "abuse
of power". New focus for demonstrators is to arrest former PLA officials.
November 1991 DPA threatens
withdrawal from Coalition government unless new elections by February.
December 1991 Government
collapses. Widespread food riots.
1992-1994 Average annual
rate of inflation was 50.6%. The transition to "market economy" had led
to steep & high unemployment. By mid 1995 this official stood at 18%
of labour force with in mid-1994, official figures showing that estimated
15% labour force worked aboard.
January 1992 Assembly reads
a new law on "public order" citing food riot deaths.
February 1992 New electoral
law proposed with reduced seats (from 250 to 140). By new definitions,
parties labeled either as 'legitimate' or otherwise. OMONIA - declared
banned as partaking elections as it "represented an ethnic minority". Greek
minority launches widespread unsuccessful protests.
March 1992 General Election.
DPA received 62 % votes of first round and wins 92 of 140 contested seats.
SPA obtains 26% votes & 38 seats, SDP 2 seats & ARP 1 seat. Official
figures claim 90% participation. Ramiz Alia resigns as President. People's's
Assembly votes for Sali Berisha as
President. New Government introduces "extensive
programme of economic reforms, providing for the transfer to private
ownership of farm land, state owned companies & housing, and the abolition
of trade restrictions and price controls.
May 1992 Albania & the
EEC sign a 10-year agreement on trade and cooperation.
June 1992 Albania with 10
other countries sign Black Sea Economic Cooperation Group agreement, projecting
an economic bloc to 'complement' EEC.
July 1992 Amendment to law
on political organizations outlaws the Albanian Communist Party. CP Chairman
Hsyni Milloshi arrested in Tirana charged
with illegally owing a gun. Decree granting Albanian citizenship on request,
to Albanians resident overseas. Multi-party local elections: SPA wins 41%
votes; DPA wins 43%.
September 1992 Albanian
Democratic Alliance (ADA) formed with a split in the DPA.
September 1992 18 former
Communist official including Nexhmija Hoxha
arrested. Also arrested was Former President Ramiz Alia
December 1992 Albania applies
to join NATO. First of the "Eastern European"countries to do so.
1993-1995 Following IMF
stipulations: Strict programme of high interest rates, reduced subsidies
banking liberalization & trade reforms, inflation 'under control'.
During 1993-1995, Albania exhibited the highest economic growth rate in
Europe.
January 1993 Nexhmije
Hoxha imprisoned for 9 years on grounds of "embezzling state
funds".
February 1993 Attorney General
Maksim Haxhia arrested , former Prime
Minister Vilson Akmeti arrested; Fatos
Nano arrested. Mainly these are all on charges of "abuse of
power".
May 1993 Former CP members
appeal for the re-legalization of Communist party to Supreme Court of Appeal.
Appeal is Rejected.
April 1993 Fatos
Nano trial commences. Nano convicted of misappropriation of
state funds from 1991. Sentenced to 12 years.
In Kosovo, several Albanians killed by Yugoslav guards
on border. Albania requests UN Peace keeping mission in Kosovo - rejected.
July 1993 Ramiz
Alia pleads 'not guilty' to ' abuse of power', convicted, sentenced
to 8 years.
1994 Albania reaches a visible
trade deficit of $146 million on the current account of the Balance of
Payments.
March 1994 Berisha asks
'international community to make relaxation of sanctions against Yugoslavia
contingent upon settlement in Kosova.
April 1994 After long deterioration
in relations between Greece & Albania, relations flare following border
2 Albanian guard are killed. Albania joins NATO"partnership for peace"
programme of military cooperation.
May 1994 Greek minister
of Foreign Affairs attacks Albania; blocks provision of funds from EEC.
July 1994 SPA deputies try
to introduce a vote of no confidence.
September 1994 OMONIA members
accused of high treason since July convicted to 6-8 years imprisonment.
Recall of ambassadors from Greece & Albania.
November 1994 Failing to
obtain a two-third's majority in the Peoples Assembly for approval of the
draft Constitution, Berisha holds a referendum. The draft - & by extension
Berisha opposed by SPA, grounds being that it would 'increase power of
President & diminish that of the Assembly". 84.4% of the people's partake
of referendum, draft Constitution rejected by 53.9% of votes. New call
for elections.
1995 Privatization programme
moves from small scale to large sale enterprises, under a scheme with distribution
of vouchers to selected citizens. The debt load of Albania of US$500m of
commercial debts had been defaulted upon in 1991. New agreement extends
foreign bank penetration & loans. By Mid 1995, 96% total farm had been
re-distributed to private ownership.
March 1995 Chairman DPA
Eduard Selami dismissed at an extraordinary
Party Congress for opposing Berisha's efforts at organizing a new referendum.
Alleges corruption.
May 1995 Italy stations
troops at costal borders and at sea to "stem influx" of economic refugees.
5 SDP deputies confined to house arrest on shallow charges of financial
mis-dealings.
June 1995 Ilir
Hoxha son of Enver Hoxha convicted of 'inciting national hatred
for denouncing leaders of the DPA in a newspaper interview". Hoxha had
alleged that the DPA favored by Prosecution Services, in a campaign to
actively discredit the former Communists prior to elections of 1996.
July 1995 Ramiz
Alia ordered released by Supreme Court. Following Ilir Hoxha's
conviction, Berisha muzzles press further : announces that the distribution
of newspapers & magazines was to be restricted to government owned
kiosks & state bookshops. Albania joins Council of Europe, agreeing
to adopt a new Constitution and to correct 'human rights' issues.
August 1995 Law allowing
for the sale & purchase of land is enacted.
September 1995 People's
Assembly adopted law on "genocide & crimes against humanity during
communist rule, prohibiting those in power during 1944-1991 to hold public
position until 2002." SP deputies abstain and denounce legislation as 'political
vengeance'. Minister Justice dismisses 3 Supreme Court judges owing to
their previous Communist activities. The Chairman of Supreme Court Zef
Brozi, follows up his earlier accusation of 'undue pressure
on judiciary', by challenging the Minister's authority to dismiss employees
of the Court and refuses to accept the decision. Security forces deployed
to prevent 3 judges from entry to Supreme Court. Brozi refuses to acknowledge
the Constitutional Court, where earlier Government have field charges of
human rights violations against him. Brozi's grounds :'Constitutional Court
illegal since 19922 since no law exited to regulate its function". Brozi
had recommended the review of the case of Fatos Nano earlier in the year.
By amendment of the Penal Code by Berisha's Assembly, Supreme Court forced
to abandon its review of Nano's case.
November 1995 Parliamentary
Commission launches inquiry into findings of mass grave near Shkoder, allegations
against Ramiz Alia in connection with
this dating to his 1991 ordering to kill persons attempting to flee the
country. Further probes into former Communist office holders are held.
May 1996 Albania's first
Stock market opens. Trading limited to Albanian Treasury Bills & to
Privatization vouchers for 70 state enterprises.
September 1996 Judge Mehid
sentences 9 communist former officials to prison terms ranging from 15-20
years for "crimes against humanity". Among sentenced are Llambi
Gregpritti Former PLA/CP chief of Tirana; and Idayet
Beqiri leader of Party national Unity & formerly PLA head
in Kruja. This was the fourth trial of former PLA leaders since 1991.
1996 More than eighty people
infected with polio, and 11 died.
January 1997 Suspicions
that Democratic Party officials & Berisha 'hand in glove', 'on cosy
terms ' with "Pyramid" fund operators,
of various fraudulent schemes become widespread. About $US billion (equals
43% of Albania's current GDP) consumed in fraud, about 800,000 people from
a population of 3.8 million defrauded. "American financier George
Soros, published the following call to arms on January 16, just
as the schemes were collapsing: "The money-borrowing schemes, the failure
of which is striking the major part of the population, constitutes the
ideal time (for) the opposition (ie The Socialist Party) to return to life
by (turning) the displeasure of the victims to the development of its policies.
" Wash.Times.
February 1997 4 people die
in clashes in Vlora sparked by the bankruptcy of the Gjallica
pyramid scheme in which many Vlora residents had invested. "Hundreds
of thousands of Albanians had invested up to $1.5 billion in several pyramid
funds, which paid off initial investors with later investors deposits.
Gjallica at the time of its collapse had some 400,000 depositors. Up to
400,000 people daily gathered in Vlora Feb 5-123 to demand that the Government
repay their lost investments. Protests turned violent. Police shot.
Feb 10th State of emergency
declared in Vlora. Premier Aleksandr Meksi
calls on Parliament to deploy police.
Late Feb "Just as European
Union foreign ministers had agreed in late February on a statement that
did not support early elections - to the dismay of the Socialists - U.S.
Ambassador Marisa Lino held press conference
where she again called for early elections." Wash.Times.
March 1 Massive protests
again in Vlora. Police shoot dead 13 people.
March 4 Albanian parliament
imposes curfew, orders 'armed rebels' to surrender. Berisha sacks premier
Meksi. Demonstrators take parts of Saranda & Vlora & Gjirokastra.
March 5 State TV blacked
out. BBC & Voice of America broadcasts in Albanian shut down. Tanks
mobilised. Foreign residents flown out by Italy. Italian & Greek officials
'spearhead' calls for EEC to intervene.
March 6 Army bases plundered
by rioting civilians, & arms taken. Berisha fires army chief of staff
General Sheme Kosova saying :"Gen.
Kosova was failing to defend army barracks in the South against looters'.
NATO Secretary Mr Javier Solana
rules out NATO led actions, but leaves possibility of individual foreign
country action.
March 8-9 Berisha stops
all army actions and offers 'amnesty' to 'rebels' in exchange
for a surrender of arms. Rebels in all parts of the country, especially
South, refuse demanding "new elections, resignation of President Berisha,
& formation of government of 'technocrats'".- says Colonel Tzavar 'military
leader of rebels in Saranda".
March 10 'We can no longer
speak of the army in Gjirokastra'.. Mr Xhevat Kociu
a rebel elder. Berisha comes under pressure from both EEC & USA to
resign.
March 11 Berisha agrees
to : 'amnesty, and establishment of 'national reconciliation government',
elections by June supervised by international agencies, elections to include
participation of the Socialist Party. Rebels reject this offer.
March 13 Berisha gives premiership
to Mr Bashim Fino Socialist Party ,
a 'move applauded by US diplomats'. Continued looting of arms depots throughout
the country.
March 17 Both USA and EEC
debating how and when to enter Albania. 'Signs emerging that US and other
Western countries may be urging Mr. Berisha to step down, despite his insistence
to stay put till June elections'. Italian, French,&
Greek troops enter the country.
April 19 Leka,
son of former King Zog, goes to Albania.
Sources : The Above Has Been
Complied From A number of sources: The
European World year Book 1996; Volume 1, 37th edition, London 1996. ISBN
: 1-85743-019-0;
Keesings Contemporary Archives 1996;
Facts On File 1996-1997;
'The Australian'; March 4-17;
Globe And Mail;
Guardian Weekly;
Washington Times.
__________________________________________________________________
PART TWO : SOME DOCUMENTS RELATING
TO THE COMMUNIST PARTY ALBANIA .
DOCUMENT 1 : COMMUNIQUE
OF THE CC OF CPA : "ABOUT THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN ALBANIA".
The present situation in Albania shows
the total economical, political and social crisis caused by the anti-people
and anti-national government of Berisha. This shows the development of
the "democracy" in Europe and USA, the policy and interference in the future
deeds in countries from Eastern Europe. This situation brought absolute
poverty and destruction. As is known, this rage and explosion of the people
came as indignation accumulated during the government of Berisha. This
rage and the peoples' explosion were caused by the robbery of the people's
money which were in several big firms, "pyramid" organisations: this sum
comes to 3 billion dollars. After that, the ruling Mafia used a great amount
of this money to strengthen the regime and the dictatorship, the activity
of the Democratic party and to enrich the rulers. Some of the managers
of such firms are already in prison, so they cannot tell the truth. The
uprising of the people started with peaceful strikes and demonstrations,
strikes in which took part students in hunger strike from the towns of
Vlora and Girokastra, who were supported by all students and many schools.
All the attempts of the regime to suppress the movement led to its spreading
all over the country. The state of emergency established by the Parliament
of the Democratic party inflamed the people in the towns of Vlora, Ljushna,
Fieri, Saranda, Tepelena, Girokastra and the whole of South Albania the
people armed themselves and chased away the representatives of the institutions
situated in their territory. The uprising of the people and the sound of
arms forced the media and the diplomats of Europe and USA to start to talk
about Albania and to think of some political solution of the problem. This
forced the president to listen to the opposition, which did not exist for
him up to this moment. The opposition, which didn't have the trust of the
people, was striving to win over that movement of the people, but forgot
what the opposition wanted and was looking for the people. And the result
came: a compromise between the opposition and the president-bandit along
with a signed declaration which did not include the new requests of the
rebels: the resignation of the president and the return of the money. The
rebels answered that they will not surrender their weapons until their
decisions and requests are accepted. The most important thing for them
is to be accepted at the round table as a basic opposition force. After
the announcement of this declaration, the opposition and the international
diplomats declared it for a great achievement but the people did not accept
it and started to capture new towns; Permet, Berat, Skrepar, Kuchova, Ghpamsh...
The most important thing in the people's movement are the political requests.
The army and the police joined the people. The only armed forces which
supported and still supports Berisha are the armed bands and the special
services "SHIC" and two divisions of hired soldiers from Serbia and Kosovo.
The ex-military communists who governed the quarters and the council for
salvation of the people also take part in these events. The Communist party
and the communists gave orientations about the main slogans and political
requests. As it is well known, the CP worked very hard to organize everything.
Of great importance are the revolutionary steps of the people The rebel
shows the power of the people and the rottenness of the fascist regime.
The only support of this regime was the imperialist powers."
DOCUMENT 2 :
Interview with Ubaldo
Buttafava Secretary of the Central Committee of the Organization for the
Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy. "On the Albanian Events"
Rome, March 22, 1997.
Q. The bourgeois press in the United States only says
that there is anarchy in Albania, and that the rebellion was due to the
pyramid money schemes. What are the real facts, and what is the situation
in the last days?
A. The popular rebellion in Albania is the product
of an economic, social and political crisis which has matured over the
last year. It is the result, in the first place, of the reformism of Ramiz
Alia and Fatos Nano inaugurated in 1991 at the Xth Congress of the PLA
with the expulsion from the Party of political office of those faithful
to Enver Hoxha and the defense of socialism; and in the second place to
the "Democratic" politics of Sali Berisha who has demonstrated a neo-colonial
policy subservient to the U.S.A. and to Italy. The popular rebellion in
its internal force has diverse politics, among them those of the new Communist
Party of Albania.
Q. What are the perspectives of the struggle, and
what is the possibility that this struggle will lead to the re-establishment
of socialism in Albania?
A. The Albanian crisis will not be brief, it will
be a component of the revolutionary movement which is arising in all the
Balkans and the ex-USSR. The perspective of the struggle in Albania is
linked to the possibility of giving a stable character to the movement;
to the creation of a united and long-term political leadership; to the
foreign intervention and to the unmasking of the reformism of the Socialist
Party linked to Europe. The main obstacle to the socialist perspective
in Albania is represented by the Socialist Party. The Communist Party of
Albania is rapidly developing, a necessity considering that in the last
years it has been in a state of complete illegality and was subject to
fascist repression; recently two members of the Central Committee were
condemned to three and a half years in prison for the simple possession
of political documents.
Q. What is the role of the Communist Party of Albania
in the struggle?
A. The Communist Party of Albania, which held its
Congress in the summer of 1996, follows the general line outlined by the
great Marxist-Leninist Enver Hoxha, the line of revolution for socialism
and whose aim is to bring the struggle of the patriotic forces under the
baton of liberty, independence and sovereignty. Certainly during the last
15 years reformism and capitalist ideology have created much confusion,
but in Albania there is a strong national sentiment and a spirit of struggle.
Q. What has been the role of the Socialist Party?
A. The Socialist Party is a typical social-democratic
party which openly supports capitalism, bourgeois democracy, integration
into Europe and NATO. It is the true obstacle to the revolution and the
principle counter-revolutionary force; but in these days it is being unmasked
in the eyes of the masses.
Q. To what extent have the U.S. and European imperialists
been militarily involved, and what do you think is the possibility that,
if the struggle threatens to overthrow the Berisha government, that they
will send in troops in mass?
A. There is a united front against the popular
rebellion: Berisha, the Socialist Party, Europe and the United States.
If the government of Berisha and Bashkim Fino are not able to halt the
rebellion there will be massive military intervention from Europe supported
by the United States. There will be a new Vietnam which will ignite the
Balkans. At this moment Italy has intervened at Durazzo and Valona to encircle
the popular rebellion.
_____________________________________________________________________
DOCUMENT 3 : INTERVIEW
WITH A COMRADE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF ALBANIA (1st Week of March, beginning
of the great mass movement). FROM LA NOSTRA LOTTA - ITALY.
Q : What are the causes that have provoked this great
movement of struggle?
A : The collapse of the financial schemes is due
to the enemy of the people, Sali Berisha, but this has only been the spark
of the crisis. This past year the social climate has become explosive due
to the collapse of almost all economic activity, the crisis of education,
the failure to pay pensions, the mass unemployment, the lack of goods of
prime necessity, the fall in living standards in general.
Q: What is the political content of this popular
movement?
A: We are undoubtedly dealing with a popular struggle
against all the pro-U.S. policies of Sali Berisha. Certainly in this movement
all the anti-Berisha forces are represented, however this is a struggle
which on the economic and social level pursues popular objectives, it is
a defense of the fundamental interests of the masses. On the political
level, freedom, national sovereignty, real democracy for the people.
Q : What is, in general, the situation of your
party?
A: Last summer, the party held a Congress (as did
its youth organization) in the conditions of absolute illegality imposed
by Berisha who has used all possible means of violence. Two comrades of
the Central Committee were arrested for the simple possession of political
materials and sentenced to three and a half years of imprisonment .The
Communist Party of Albania follows the line of Comrade Enver Hoxha, for
socialism, liberty and independence. Lately the party has been greatly
strengthened and is present throughout the country, especially in the south
and in the big cities in general, and it is increasing its membership among
the youth.
Q: What is the ideological situation of the Albanian
masses?
A: It has undergone a major change. We had an optimal
situation, despite some negative phenomena, in 1985 at the time of the
death of Comrade Enver Hoxha. With the transformation of the PLA (Party
of Labor of Albania) into the Socialist Party, reformism has been spread,
which opened the way to the "democratic" reaction of Berisha. There were
great illusions about what capitalism would bring, but after the fraudulent
election of Berisha in 1992 the masses very quickly changed their minds.
Q: What role is the Socialist Party of Albania
playing?
A : This party has betrayed the ideals of Socialism
and Communism and the interests of our homeland. This party is linked to
big European capital and has good relations with U.S. imperialism. It also
has unofficial relations with the party of Berisha (who these days is using
Serbian mercenaries) and is engaged with the counter-revolution. This is
becoming ever more evident to the people. Nonetheless the Albanians love
liberty and our homeland, and the immortal examples of Skanderbeg and Enver
Hoxha are in our hearts and memory.
Q: What is the perspective of this struggle, which
serves as an example to all the peoples of Europe and the world?
A : The important thing is that this movement should
extend to all countries. Our people should get rid of the influence of
the traitors of the Socialist Party, that conspires with every intrigue,
the world reaction is preparing a foreign military intervention. Our Communist
Party should become the leading force of the Albanians, ... in the name
freedom and social justice.
Published in La Nostra Lotta
(organ of the CC of the Organization for the
Communist Party of the Proletariat
of Italy), March 1997.
____________________________________________________________
DOCUMENT 4: "DESTRUCTION
IN ALBANIA - A TRAGEDY"; BY SOKOL SHKODRA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ALBANIA,
MARCH 13, 1997. From KPD-Roter Morgen, Germany.
The years 1991-97 in Albania were years of destruction
in the name of the fight against communism. This was also transformed into
deeds. The foreign powers determined and wrote up the plan of destruction.
The practical execution of the plan fell to the Albania politicians of
the "Democratic" Party. One of the Theses drawn up and circulated at the
beginning of the 1990s was that everything, that had been built up in the
50 years of communism, must be destroyed and that work must be begun again
from zero point, since everything that had been built was worthless. A
leader of the Democrats, the economist Gramoz Pashko, said that the zero
point theory must be carried through and that we must begin the work with
a blank check that the West would write for us. The tragedy of the destruction
and the burning down was done under the slogan: "We are destroying Enverism
and communism in Albania down to the roots.!"
Dozens of the factories, hospitals, social and cultural
organizations, modern stock-breeding complexes and warehouses, which were
robbed from the people, were destroyed. Thousands of hectares of vineyards,
plantations of tropical fruit, greenhouses, were burned and destroyed,
the telephone networks in the villages were destroyed, as were irrigation
plants, land reclamation projects, the electricity network, etc....
In many regions of the country the graves of the fighters
of the national liberation war were destroyed. The memorials to the heroes
and heroines of the people in all of Albania, including the memorial to
the legendary Enver Hoxha, were torn down. The justification was:
We are fighting against communism and Enver Hoxha, so
that the European and American world will like us and help us. This was
what the politicians of the Berisha clique declared. The damage and destruction
to the Albanian economy between 1991 and 1997 amounted to billions of dollars.
The reason: "the fight against communism." Many patriotic people, regardless
of their party membership, are asking correctly: "What is all this?" "Is
this in the interest of Albania?"
There are a number of reasons why all this came about.
The current ruling politicians with President Berisha
at the top know the reasons very well. But they do not tell the truth.
The truth is that the capitalist world does not want Albania in the present
situation to be a strong and independent state, as it was in the previous
50 years under Enver Hoxha. The foreign policy of Albania must be that
of the open door, without any control and discipline of a constitutional
state.
Albania is passing through an unforeseen situation. There
is no constitution, since the party in power does not accept an agreement
with the other political powers. The result of the path pursued in these
years by the Meksi regime and President Berisha, of the closing of the
great national enterprises, of the demolition of the construction work
on the hydro-electric plant at Banja, on the railroad line Milot-Reshen-Klos
and other objectives, that were foreseen in the five-year plan, was that
innumerable people took the path of emigration or exile into the world
to search for work (in Italy, Greece, the whole of Europe and America)
. Over 600, 000 young Albanian men and women are emigrants today.
The noteworthy events of the year 1997 are the throwing
of stones and the burning to the ground of the headquarters of the Democratic
Party, of the building of the police and secret service, the city halls
and other state organizations, as well as the collapse of the so-called
pyramid money businesses of the companies of Gjallica, Xhaferi, Populli,
etc. Thousands of Albanian citizens lost money and their houses which were
put up for sale. The rebellion of the people has now developed into the
climax of a forcible protest against the Berisha regime. This popular anger
began on May 26, 1996, as the elections took place under the influence
of the state force and condemned the current parliament as illegal, and
it developed into a massive protest against the Democratic Party and the
President. The severe protests in Vlora, Berat, Lushnja, Gjirokaster, Saranda,
Fieri, Kavaja, Korca and Tirana, accompanied by hunger strikes of students
of the universities of Vlora and Gjirokaster, supported by the people,
all these protest actions have sharpened the situation. The theft of weapons
from arms depots has alarmed the public and great insecurity has resulted.
The deaths of more than ten people, some civilians and some police, the
opening of the prison in Saranda, the prison revolt in Shenkoll near Lheza
as well as the execution of a condemned person have led to great tensions.
The political shocks in Albania on the basis of the demonstrations have
stirred up the fear of a new unforeseen exodus towards Italy and Greece.
In this oppressive situation, in which Prime Minister Mexi resigned, President
Berisha proclaimed a state of emergency by which he placed the whole country
under the control of the army, the secret service SHJK and the police.
This has only sharpened the situation in the whole country. In this gloomy
moment the political struggle between the Democratic Party of President
Berisha and the opposition has also increased. Without any justification
the President indicted the Communists, and that at a time when the Communist
Party of Albania had been banned by the parliament of the Democratic Party
(which has 2/3 of the seats there).
Albanian communists were dismissed wholesale from their
work-places, under the pretext that these were democratic reforms. The
parliament and the president passed a law, that prohibits any communist,
Enverist or Marxist-Leninist activity in Albania. A large number of supporters
of the opposition have been arrested under the charge that they had taken
part in organizing demonstrations. In other words, the political opposition
has been persecuted. The working class, which had worked in the plants,
factories, state enterprises, social and cultural organizations, stands
at the crossroads. The metallurgical combine, the auto and tractor combine
Enver Hoxha in Tirana, the copper factory and combine have been shattered.
The copper and coal mines have been closed down...
In the difficult situation that the country is passing
through, the left opposition and the center have come together to form
a group called the Forum for Democracy,
in which the society for the formerly politically persecuted and the students
take part. The demonstrators are demanding with this revolt to get back
the money from the pyramid businesses. It is emphasized that the pyramid
money businesses stand in connection with the great voting fraud of the
Democratic Party in the election of May 26, 1996, which was carried out
under the dictate of the Berisha regime. During the years in which the
Democratic Party government has been in power, the former communists, the
heroes of the people, the political opposition have been slandered, persecuted
and imprisoned. There was the tragic death in prison in Tirana of Shefqet
Peci, the hero of the people, the former chairperson of the
National Committee of Veterans of the Albanian liberation war. There was
also the tragic imprisonment of the former Albanian State President
Haxhi Lleshi, Hero of the People and of
the anti-fascist war. Also the imprisonment of Nexmije
Hoxha, widow of Enver Hoxha and the former Chairperson of the
Democratic Front of Albania and former fighter in the Albanian war against
fascism. Ilir Hoxha, the son of Enver
Hoxha, was also imprisoned, just because he has written in a newspaper
in favor of his father. The journalist Sami Meta,
editor-in-chief of the newspaper Jehona, was also imprisoned as a political
enemy as were also the journalists Perparim XhiXha,
Aleksander Frangaj, Martin Lekha.
The remains of the heroes of the people, the commanders
and commissars of the war such as Enver Hoxha,
Myslim Peza, Gogo Nushi, Hysni Kapo, Josif Pashko, Alqi Kondi
were torn out of their graves. The anniversary of the Liberation of Albania
from the Nazi fascists, November 29, 1944, for which 28,000 partisan men
and women gave their lives, has been stricken from the calendar. November
29, 1944, however, is the greatest and most glorious day for the Albanian
people. In these days through which Albania is suffering, there are emerging
dangerous contradictions on the side of the state power, namely that the
state power made decisions that conflict with Albanian reality, in which
heroes are labeled as criminals and criminals as heroes. Everything that
has been described here, all the crimes of the last 6 years have brought
out a great deal of hatred in the Albanian people, in all Albania. The
latest incident, the collapse of the fraudulent pyramid companies, in which
the Albanian people lost their savings and houses, and the consequent revolt
of the entire people has taken on the character of an insurrection. Without
new elections under an agreement of all political forces the situation
in Albania will develop even more difficulty and dramatically.
Published in Roter Morgen: Postanschrift:Zeitungsverlag
PM, Postfach 401051, 70410 Stuttgart Tel. : 0711/8702209. Fax: 0711/8702445
Vertrieb: Literaturvertrieb, zeitungsverlag PM, Postfach 1942, 61289 Bad
Homburg v.d.H
E-Mail: KPD-Roter-Morgen@t-online . de.
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
DOCUMENT 5 :
"The defeat of Berisha means the defeat
of the system!" Seyit Aldogan -- Interview with a member of the
Central Committee of the Communist Party of Albania
Q: Can you briefly describe the general development up
to the uprising?
A: The rulers, after the dissolution of socialism,
acted in the interests of the imperialist countries. They destroyed everything
that had been constructed during the socialist period, and thereby brought
the entire economy to ruin. All those who had brought about this situation
gathered into Berisha's party. While they equated communism with fascism,
they carried on their attacks against the Albanian people on all levels.
While on the one hand the "market economy" was portrayed as a panacea,
they closed the enterprises, unemployment increased by leaps and bounds,
and the persons fled en masse to the capitalist countries. To put it briefly,
the social problems became worse from day to day. Moreover, the history
of Albania was also manipulated by the new rulers. So, for example, the
resistance of the Albanian people against fascism in 1944 was declared
to be a civil war in which allegedly much blood was spilled between "brothers."
The Albanian people were promised that they would quickly attain a prosperity
comparable to prosperity in the USA. The younger generation was especially
taken in by this propaganda. As an agent of this propaganda, Berisha was
able to determine the internal politics during this period. Berisha's party
represented a policy that contradicted the interests of the Albanian people.
The country was sold the foreign capital, and this party claimed that there
is no working class in Albania. Throughout the country, little stores and
buffets were opened through which the free market economy was to be introduced.
A large part of the population became unemployed, and a part of them went
abroad as refugees. Meanwhile phony enterprises, mainly of US and Italian
mafia organizations, were established in Albania. The regime spread the
idea that these firms would become the foundation of Albanian capital.
The people's wealth was squandered in such enterprises. Berisha claimed
that the country would prosper through these enterprises. The country was
thoroughly plundered, the population lived in poverty and misery and at
the same time became conscious of the oppressive measures of the rulers,
who were symbolized by Berisha.
Q: Why is the name of Sali Berisha always being
put in the foreground?
A: The uprising of the people against Sali Berisha
means an uprising against the consequences of this system. Hundreds of
thousands of people filled the plazas and the streets of the country and
armed themselves. Berisha symbolized the imperialist exploitation, the
selling off of the country, unemployment and oppression. Therefore the
fury, that is apparently directed against Berisha, is directed at the same
time against the system that Berisha represents.
Q: Is this a revolution?
A : Without a doubt. The organizations and the
administration of the system are no longer functioning. The military and
the police apparatus are themselves incapable of functioning, with many
members of these institutions joining the Rebellion
Committees. This uprising is directed not only against the bankers,
but against the Berisha dictatorship. The bankers are also pillars of this
system. The uprising certainly did not arise overnight. On the contrary,
since 1992 the people have expressed their discontent in various forms.
In 1994, there were mass demonstrations in Tirana, Kusk, Rusen, Bals, Malakastras
and Skapri. Political demands, such as freedom of expression, freedom of
organization and speech against suppression, became the focal point of
these actions. Moreover the demands of the present uprising are the following:
a) the resignation of Sali Berisha; b) dissolution of the parliament c)
holding new elections. Two of these demands have already been achieved.
These are undoubtedly political demands that could be realized by this
armed uprising.
Q : What were your proposals at the beginning of
the uprising?
A : Our proposals were the dismissal of Berisha
and holding of new elections. As you see, these proposals are largely accepted
by the people. Even the bourgeois parties as well as the current Prime
Minister Fino support these demands.
Q : Which role is the government of Fino playing?
A : The government of Fino and other parties can
only lead the country to new elections, nothing more. None of the existing
parties is in a position to solve the problems of Albania. I also do not
believe in a quick solution. Only on a long-term basis can the existing
problems, which are connected with struggle and difficulties, be solved.
This uprising will bring our people numerous experiences and self-assurance.
A people, that lived for decades under socialism and places great importance
on independence, will not simply put up with everything.
Q: Tell us about the committees?
A: The committees were chosen directly by the people
in public meetings. Earlier the committee members may have voted for one
or the other party, but now they represent the people and are recallable
at any time. I can add without exaggeration: no other party has such an
effect on the masses, because the people do not stand behind the parties,
but rather behind the committees. That means therefore that the people
do not feel represented by any party.
Q : What would happen in the case of a foreign
invasion?
A : The Albanian people would not permit any foreign
invasion and would defend itself against it. It would give no one the right
to do this. That is, moreover, a point on which we place great value. Those,
who previously supported Berisha and made him a puppet of their interests,
were formerly able to defend him. However, when the people armed themselves
to prepare to put an end to this system and the exploitation and oppression
connected with it, all of a sudden they were concerned about our security
and well-being. That is an internal matter; moreover the people have risen
up precisely in order to create security and well-being.
Q : Why haven't the people marched to Tirana?
A : The uprising is presented in all the imperialist
media as a north-south-conflict. If we were to march to Tirana, this would
have only served Berisha's propaganda and would have provided only further
bases for a foreign invasion. THE PEOPLE IN THE
NORTH WILL NOT KEEP BEING QUIET.' Berisha has not yet been removed.
Q : What will happen at the end?
A : If Berisha resists longer, it will draw still
larger circles into the uprising, for the Albanian people know that he
is responsible for their abuses. The demonstrations will begin again and
the mass organizations will continue. The people in the north will also
no longer keep quiet. THE PEOPLE TRUST US!
Q : What role did your party play before the uprising
and what role is it playing today?
A : We must clearly explain here one thing. We
had already counted on such an uprising. Therefore we intensified our activities
in this direction. Our party members were involved in all actions on the
spot. Already in the development of the first committees, our adherents
played an important role. At present, our members take part in all the
committees, and they can determine their direction in most cases. In the
actions, the party does not appear by name, because it is not legal. But
the people know well that we stand on their side and represent their interests;
therefore they trust us.
Q : Isn't the situation ripe that the party appear
in its own name?
A : Not yet. The time is not yet ripe for that.
We can also in this way establish our conceptions and carry out actions.
The illegal structures will continue further.
Q : The uprising offered you many possibilities...
A : Yes, this was indeed so. We are now in a position
to reinforce our organizations and to carry out actions, that previously
we were not allowed. It is our goal to expand the possibilities of legal
actions so that we can better bring our program to the people.
Published in Emek (Daily newspaper
published in Turkey and Europe)
1st April 1997 Published
& Translated in Germany, Otto-Hahn-Str. 44a, 63303 Dreieich-Sprendlingen
Tel.: (0 61 03) 3 53 33; Fax: (0
61 03) 3 53 98 E-mail: u.altun@asco.nev.sub.de
________________________________________________________________________
DOCUMENT 7 : ARTICLE
BY SEYIT AYDOGAN - EMEK.
The uprising of the Albanian people against the Berisha
dictatorship continues. The imperialists have pushed the puppet Berisha
into the background and are trying to push Prime Minister Fino into the
foreground. Fino is shuttling back and forth between the Rebellion Committee
in Vlora and the imperialist countries and is trying by means of empty
promises to end the uprising. As the first requirement for further negotiations,
he demands that they lay down their weapons. But the people are determined
that they will not lay down their weapons until its demands are fulfilled.
The Rebellion Committee recently gave an ultimatum to Berisha and at the
same time warned the government [of Prime Minister Fino] not to take Berisha's
side. Meanwhile, there was a meeting between Prime Minister Fino and the
members of the Rebellion Committee of Vlora. There the demands were again
passed on to Prime Minister Fino.
Session of the Rebellion Committee
in Vlora.
Within the Committee in Vlora the influence of the people
and that of the Communist Party of Albania is very great. In meetings that
take place twice daily, Thousands of people meet and discuss further ways
of proceeding. At yesterday's meeting (March 23, 1997), tens of thousands
of people took part. After the meeting I was able to speak with representatives
of the Committee. 'The reporting in the foreign press about us is entirely
manipulated. We will not lay down our weapons. If Prime Minister Fino coalesces
further with Berisha, we will not recognize him either." I was able to
clearly see that the people supports only the Committee and that they are
firmly decided to deprive Berisha of power. In this discussion, I asked
why they have not taken the capital Tirana, although Berisha has still
not resigned. The answer was: "Berisha and the foreign powers are continually
trying to create an artificial separation between the south and the north.
They are trying to provoke a war between the south and the north. For this
reason we decided that a march from the south to Tirana is not sensible.
Such a march would reinforce this attempt of Berisha and the imperialist
countries." The chairperson of the National Unity Party, Hidayet
Besiri, who was recently freed by the people, made a speech calling
on the people to "seize the initiative." Besiri described the uprising
as a revolution and declared that the people should not lay down their
weapons and should seize the initiative.
In Vlora, control is completely in the hands of the Rebellion
Committee. There is neither chaos nor looting nor arbitrary shooting. At
the mass meeting no weapons were carried except by people designated to
carry them. Many people with whom I spoke said that the followers of Berisha
were responsible for the nightly "shooting into the air." In their opinion
these people were planning a provocation. Emek (Daily newspaper
published in Turkey and Europe) 01. April 1997, Germany : Oto-Hahn-Str.
44a, 63303 Dreieich-Sprendlingen
Tel. : (0 61 03) 3 53 33 F ax : (0 61 03) 3 53 98
===========================================================
PART THREE :
ALBANIA BALKANS, AND THE CONTINUING
INTER- IMPERIALIST STRUGGLE BETWEEN USA & EEC.
It is no longer any secret that the USA
world bloc led North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA), is an imperialist bloc at economic war with the
European Economic Community (EEC) and
the Japanese led Association South East Asian
Nations (ASEAN). In Alliance 3
(Dated October 1992), we outlined how this new manifestation of
an inter-imperialist economic war, inevitably reflected the current day
failure of various economic maneuvers to heal the fatal capitalist wound
- the falling rate of profit. These
failed attempts included the failure of Keynesian
economics, ie the 'expansion of the economy by deficit financing'.
It failed because it exacerbated inflation and eroded the profits of the
financial oligarchy. But the alternative strategy of
'supply- side' Friedmanite-Thatcherite-Reaganite economics did
not work either. This brand of economics failed because it eroded the profits
of manufacturing capital and boosted unemployment dramatically, and created
social unrest. This unrest arose as the hard won reforms over the past
decades were withdrawn from an increasingly impoverished working class.
What was
capitalism to do? It was forced to amalgamate into even larger
power blocs. Like so many future developments, both Lenin and Stalin had
envisaged these developments in some form. Thus Lenin in "Imperialism -
Highest Stage of Capitalism", discusses the prospects of future super monopolies
developing. Lenin approved Hobson's "appraisal of the significance of a
"United States of Europe", citing Hobson's' comments :
"We have foreshadowed the possibility of even a larger
alliance of Western States, a European federation of great powers which
so far from forwarding the cause of European civilisation, might introduce
the gigantic peril of Western parasitism.."(Lenin, Ibid, Chapter VIII,
p. 103-4).
This presaged the European
Economic Community (EEC). Lenin recognised the drift towards
groupings of imperialists, and commented upon Joseph Patouillet's notion
of : "L'imperiliasme Americain." Patouillet
had written :
"Since 1897 Wilhelm II has repeatedly put forward the
idea of a policy of unification in the struggle against trans-American
competition - policy based on European customs agreements, a sort of continental
blockade against the United States." In the margin against this quote,
Lenin wrote : "United States of Europe" (Lenin Collected Works; Vol 39
p.211 and vol 22. p. 273. Cited by M.K. Bunkina: "USA Versus Western Europe.
New Trends." Moscow, 1979. p.186.)
Later, in the post second world war period,
Stalin pointed out that the inter-imperialist war would inevitably get
very intense, despite a temporarily dominant USA.
"Britain and France .. are imperialist countries..Can
it be assumed that they will endlessly tolerate the present situation in
which.. Americans are penetrating into the economies of Britain and France
and trying to convert them into adjuncts of the USA economy? ..Would it
not be truer to say that capitalist Britain and France will be compelled
in the end to break from the embrace of the USA and enter into conflict
with it in order to secure an independent position and of course high profits
? "
(J.V. Stalin, " Economic problems of the Socialism in
the USSR " Moscow, 1952. p.38)
Immediately post Second World War, only
the USSR, plus those countries developing into socialism under the USSR's
guidance; and Albania which had already fully seized state power for the
working class, were not 'in
hock' to the USA. The rest of the world, all capitalist, was in one way
or another in the clutches of the USA. Especially dramatic was the case
of Europe, which had formerly been the home of the greatest imperialist
nations.
The USA had
given major loans to the British and French, which it now used as a lever
to obtain the privileges of entry into the sterling and franc semi-colonial
territories of the British and French. Britain, for example was now completely
beholden to the USA:
"When sales of foreign investments
and of gold and dollars are added in, the net change on capital account
between the outbreak of war and the end of 1945 amounted to no less than
Pounds Sterling 4,700 million. The United Kingdom ended the war with the
largest debt in history." (A.Cairncross. Years of Recovery, British Economic
Policy. 1945-51. London, 1985. p. 7).
The USA play to
take over the world leadership of the capitalist-imperialist world from
the British, took place at the Bretton
Woods Conference in 1944. We will briefly summarise the details
contained in Alliance 3, to enable
the significance of this background to be clear, as it relates to current
events in the Balkans.
The Pound Sterling had already in
1931 been taken off the Gold Standard
by the British, after an international run on the pound. This reflected
the decline of British Imperial power. But in 1931, the USA dollar could
not yet take the dominant position. This relative weakness was not the
case after the war. Accordingly, the USA now demanded that the dollar should
be made the key currency of conversion of all currencies.
The dollar was made on a par with gold. This gave the USA a
unique position. For all other countries party to the Agreement, their
currencies were traded according to their reciprocal value with either
gold or the dollar. However for the USA, gold was on a par
with the USA dollar. The USA was ensured that the value of the dollar was
important enough that other countries would keep the exchange value of
the dollar high. The USA dealt only with gold. (M.Gilbert. The gold dollar
system. p. 231. In "The Gold Standard in Theory and History". Ed. B.Eichengreen.
London, 1985).
The Bretton Woods Agreement eased
the post war period for the USA. The USA was in an unusual position of
dominance. It had funded the war for the Western capitalist allies, detonated
the Atom bomb thereby showing its military dominance, and had a home base
that was unaffected to a large extent by the war. It proceeded to dictate
terms :
"In order to finance European and other foreign purchases
from America, that is to ensure adequate financial resources to sustain
US exports, ("world trade" ) the US Government had taken the lead in 1944
at Bretton Woods) to establish the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Loans were provided
by the U.S. Government and US credit markets via the World Bank to European
governments, which used them mainly to pay for goods supplied by American
exporters. The source of the original loan funds provided by the IMF came
from foreign currency and gold subscriptions by the participating nations.
America's subscription amounted to almost $3 billion and entitled it to
nearly 30 % of the voting power. The member nations agreed that an 80 %
majority vote would be required for most rulings, thus conceding unique
veto power to the US.. Europe was fully aware that it was ceding to America
the option of determining its own currency values and tariffs. The US was
the only nation with sufficient foreign exchange to finance a program of
overseas investments, long term financing and foreign aid.." (M.Hudson.
"Global Fracture, New International Economic Order"; N.York, 1977. p. 11-12).
The USA now actively hoarded gold. By
1949 the US had acquired 72 % of the world's gold. Until 1958 and the Korean
war the gold stocks of the USA remained exceedingly high, in correspondence
with the USA stipulations on repayment. The USA ensured that the major
European powers joined the Gold Pool. This served:
"To ensure that the gold parity of the dollar would
be supported by the central banks, the European ones mainly, who would
thus have to sell central bank's stocks of gold as the occasion demanded.
The price of gold was kept artificially low at a time when the price of
goods was rising. The dollar thus stayed as good as gold and the US was
freed from the threat of having to support the gold parity of the dollar
by itself, or of seeing gold overtake the dollar as an international reserve
instrument which remained a theoretical possibility in the framework of
the Bretton Woods Agreement. The US spared no efforts in its campaign to
impose and maintain the Gold Standard." (Y.Fiit, A.Faire and J-P.Vigier;"The
World Economic Crisis, US Imperialism At Bay"; London, 1980; p. 83).
Now that the USA was dominant, trade was
unilateral in as much as the balance
of trade favoured the USA. But all payments
by the USA, for their resident occupying troops in Europe, and for services,
were in dollars. This meant that
Europe ultimately built up a dollar surplus. Also as the
Gold Pool implied, the European central bankers found their own gold stocks
dwindling. They could not demand gold for dollars from the USA as they
might have, because the USA made it clear that this would be considered
a hostile act. Only the French defied them, and left the Gold Pool in 1967.
But the constraints of the "Cold War",
and the military policeman role adopted by the USA, meant that by the 1960's
the USA had a net deficit:
"The decisive reason for the sharp excess of the USA's
foreign money expenditures over inflows from abroad was undoubtedly the
tremendous growth of government expenditures abroad for military - political
purposes.. From 1960-69, the size of all these outlays, equal to 82.9 billion
dollars was 13.2% higher that from 1950 - 1959 (73.2 billion dollars).
And for the entire period from 1950-1969, the total sum of these payments
connected primarily with the USA's assumed role as the chief support of
the world capitalist system, constituted the vast sum of 156.1 billion
dollars. It was 40 % higher than all the other items of the USA's balance
of payments." (S.M.Nikitin, Inflation Under Capitalism Today. Moscow, 1980.
p. 110).
Furthermore, the competitor economies
of Europe and Japan, formerly war torn and ravaged, had reconstructed enough,
to pose a challenge again. They had used newer technology than that of
the complacent USA, in order to rebuild. This meant that the costs of production
in the USA were simply too high and the level of technological investment
in industry elsewhere outstripped that in the USA . The USA now could only
rely on the fact that the foreign nations could
not cash in their dollars. It was very simple : If the foreign
central banks insisted on an appropriate devaluation of the dollar, their
own surplus reserves of "Eurodollars"
would be worth less. So the European central banks had to accept USA
Treasury bonds. The USA continued to print these as required,
unable to back them with either productive or gold reserves. This great
injection of money supply in the USA,
fuelled inflation which in turn was transferred
to the European economies. Europe was subsidising the USA deficit. The
European Central Bank response was to solve their dollar-surplus dilemma,
by lending out their huge surplus of dollars. This transformed the problem
of the European Central Banks into a profit. This Pool of dollars was termed
the Eurodollar market; or The Eurocurrency Market.
This market became a major speculative force
because of it was relatively freed from restrictions, unlike the USA banking
system:
"The essential feature that accounts
for the rising role of the Eurocurrency Market is its relative lack of
regulation. Within the US for example, the Government can and does control
the amount of new loans that a bank can finance with a new dollar of deposits;
by requiring that banks hold a certain percentage of deposits in reserve,
the Government both places a limit on the expansion of loan activity and
protects the banking system from putting itself in a position where the
it cannot meet the demands of depositors for their funds. Moreover, government
regulators establish restrictions that limit the degree of risk that can
be undertaken by banks..In the absence of such regulation, competition
among banks could push them into risker and riskier loans and lead them
to hold a smaller and smaller percentage of deposits as reserves. In the
Eurocurrency Market such regulation, is fact virtually absent. Furthermore,
without regulation, governments have much less control over the supply
of their currencies. When for example, banks holding dollars abroad loan
out those dollars they create new dollars; that is, new claims on goods
and services in the US. " (MacEwan a. Imperial Decline and International
Disorder: an Illustration from the Debt Crisis. p. 209. In The " Imperilled
Economy. Book One. " New York. 1987. p. 209).
But the real underlying
problems in the USA economy did not disappear. It was not long before international
speculation hit the dollar violently. First in 1968, the
USA Federal Reserve System, removed all gold cover.
This removed the assurance of a 25 % gold cover for all paper currency
issued by the USA. Now all Western
countries came off the Gold Pool. But the USA engineered an odd situation,
where gold was "fixed' at an unrealistic value. This "absurdly" low value,
ensured that the Euro-Dollars would not be traded for gold overnight (Fitt
et al, Ibid, p. 88).
Despite this temporary victory, the
growing American debt led to an international crisis of confidence. By
the end of 1970, the official dollar claims of foreigners was more than
twice the US gold reserves. Correspondingly, the British in August 1971
requested that the US swap a portion of the Bank of England's dollar holdings
for sterling. This when coupled to the growing recession in the Western
world; decided the German Central Bank in 1971 to float the mark. With
the following devaluation of the pound sterling, all these events conspired
to force a further international speculation on the dollar.
Finally in August 1971, President
Nixon announced officially that it would no longer exchange dollars for
gold; and he placed a 10% surcharge on imports. This did effectively devalue
the dollar. Now the USA began a policy of boosting its export trade by
successive devaluations. Of course this also decreased the effective worth
of the enormous Eurodollar holdings. But by now, even the US banks had
moved into the European Eurocurrency markets in a major way themselves.
In fact the USA banks now made their major profits abroad, rather than
at home; despite a simultaneous drop in the rate of growth of US direct
foreign investments (See MacEwan Ibid. p. 211).
Meanwhile, the European Economic Community
had begun to come about. Jean Monnet,
the post war Finance Minister of France, was one of the foremost postwar
capitalist leaders in Europe to see the necessity of a coalition of European
countries to defeat the USA imperialists. As early as 1921 Monnet advised
Eduard Benes:
"To address the problem of the weakness of Central European
economic by establishing a "federation because of the region formed a "natural
economic unit"(Cited, James Laxer. " Inventing Europe ". Toronto, 1991.p.
27).
In the war, Monnet wrote on behalf of
the French Committee of National Liberation, of the need to form "a federation
of European states" (Cited, James Laxer. " Inventing Europe ". Toronto,
1991. p. 27). But it was only in May 1949, that the first steps were taken,
resulting in the Statute of the Council of Europe.
When the European Iron and Steel Community
was established in 1950, it incorporated some of the desire for
: "The building of a new Europe." (Cited, James Laxer. " Inventing Europe
". Toronto, 1991.p. 33). The European Economic
Community ie. the Common Market, was finally formed in 1957
by the Treaty of Rome. The activities 'undertook to eliminate tariffs'
between members of countries over a period of ten years.." (Cited, James
Laxer. " Inventing Europe ". Toronto, 1991.p. 43).
So the EEC was organising. But the
British were the European Trojan Horses of the USA. The then dominant,
pro-USA British capitalist section (Represented both by the Conservative
party, and the Labour party), created a rival diversionary European
Free Trade Association (EFTA), designed purely as a Free Trade
Zone with no political intentions. The British American policy of unity
was shown by the summit between McMillan and Kennedy at Nassau in 1962,
where agreement over nuclear policy for the Polaris missiles was reached.
It was for these reasons that the British bid
for EEC membership under Conservative Prime Minister McMillan,
and Labour PM Wilson, was vetoed by France's
De Gaulle in 1963.
Despite their
self-delusions of grandeur, by the end of the 1980's, the majority
of the British capitalist class, had finally concluded that it had 'no
option', but to unite with the European capitalist class. Even now, the
British capitalist class in not fully united on this question. But the
formation of NAFTA had made it clear, that the USA had no interest any
longer, in supporting the British as their primary ally. But the new impetus
of European collaboration faced severe problems. All new attempts at forming
a single monetary policy and a single currency foundered on the derailing
of the German economic locomotive on the costs of integrating the former
East Germany. No other European nation was strong enough to take this leadership
role. However, the strength of German capital in itself was a problem,
giving rise as it did to vehement jealousy.
But inevitably, the USA imperialists
rejuvenated, to some extent, their own home economy. The USA reaped the
advantages of an intense investment, in new technological advances based
on computers. Correspondingly they made their renewed competition felt
in the Gulf War. As explained in Alliance 2,
(Dated April 1992; "The Gulf War - The USA
Imperialists Bid To Recapture World Supremacy");
this war was contrived by the expedient of 'luring' the Iraqi despot Saddam
Hussein, into a fruitless and useless foray into Kuwait. The USA then forced
the UN and the European leaders into a military support, in a staged "Grand
Pageant Show" of force by the USA. The USA was resurgent, and it signalled
its ability to be the world leader of Capital again.
The disintegration of the former revisionist
pseudo-socialist states of Eastern Europe, into an open and no longer a
disguised capitalism, led to a new arena for the rivalry of the European
and the USA imperialists. Both gained markets, at the expense of the peoples
of the former Soviet Union and the former Peoples Democracies. But the
conflict between the three great power blocks of capital - NAFTA, EEC,
and ASEAN continued to heat up.
The conflict in former Yugoslavia
exemplified the war by proxy that was being played out between the EEC
and the USA. The conflict between the USA and the EEC, and the form that
it took in the Balkans has been analysed in detail in
Alliance 18 (Dated October 1995;
"Events in Former Yugoslavia : Tito & Roots of Great Serb Chauvinism").
Ignoring the bodies of Bosnian and Serb, Montegran, Kosovan and all other
Balkan nationalities, that were piling up - the imperialists played out
their attempts to control the Balkans. The territory was a pivotal one
in any future confrontation between the EEC and the USA. It was the USA's
foot-hold in the European land mass. Of course the role of NATO troops
was in contention also, as the most visible sign of potentially foreign
controlled troops on European soil. As an attempt once more to gain the
upper hand by the EEC, some key secrets of the NATO Secretary-General head,
Willie Claes were leaked. These forced his resignation over
charges of corruption, that dated back to allegations from the late 1980's.
These revolved around bribes to his party in Belgium, in exchange for military
contracts (Financial Times; October 16, 1995, p. 2).
The struggle over NATO remains a key
issue, especially with the negotiations over the involvement of Russia.
In regard to the situation of the former Yugoslavia, the Russian involvement
was welcomed by the USA partly in order to restrain the Serbs more easily;
partly as part of an overall strategy to ensure that Russia remained a
market for the USA and not for the EEC.
The USA was fully aware of the EEC
intent to "take back NATO". As USA
Secretary of State for Defence Mr. William Perry said :
"I believe that USA security is inextricably linked
with European security, and we know.. That when the USA turns its back
on European instability, in the long run it is forced to return at a much
greater price." (Financial Times October 18th, 1995; p. 6)..
This was redolent of the old threat of
Henry Kissinger, made on 23 April 1973:
"It is not right, proper or wise for the US to make
decisions about keeping troops in Europe on the basis of whether the Common
Market treats soyabeans fairly. But there is no way to prevent this. The
political and economic issues in Atlantic relations are linked by reality,
not by choice.." (J.Palmer. "Europe without America ? Crisis in
Atlantic Relations"; Oxford, 1988. p. 59).
It is in this light that the recent French
atomic nuclear testing in the South Pacific must be viewed. This had the
clear intent of serving a notice of independent EEC capability. The French
intent was to show an independent nuclear force capability, separate from
that of the USA. The French stated that their findings from the testing
will be available to the EEC forces.
Throughout the last few years, and
especially during the war in former Yugoslavia, the people of Kosova continued
to show that they were not satisfied in Yugoslavia. In 1968 they again
raised the issue and demanded status as a republic. In October 1968, during
discussion on the amendments to the Yugoslav Constitution, the people of
Kosova demanded once more Republic status. Tito refused a petition on this
question. The crushing of the Kosovan movements after the death of Tito
was the prelude to the Serbian and Croatian onslaughts on Bosnia. During
the post-Tito events, Kosovan political aspirations became engulfed in
the general fascist war of aggression launched by Slobodan
Milosevic, aimed at a "Greater Serbia", aided by the EEC, and
resisted by the USA:
"With the tacit or vocal endorsement of the former Yugoslavia's
federal units, Serbia embarked seven years ago, on 28 March 1989, on a
sheer 'constitutional' reconquest of Kosova. Serbia declared itself re-united,
with Kosova being forcefully brought to its jurisdiction. An unprecedented
military and police crackdown on the will of the people of Kosova, 90 percent
of whom Albanians, has continued to this day... Albanians were posing their
last ditch peaceful defence of the constitutional position of Kosova as
an autonomous federal unit in what is now defunct Yugoslavia. Over 230
Albanians, most of whom prominent university teachers, intellectuals, and
people with leading managing positions in the Kosova economic firms, were
rounded up by the Serbian-run 'Yugoslav' police in late March 1989 .. were
abducted.. kidnapped in the small hours.. underwent the most brutal Serbian
police orgies of torture in jails in Leskovac and Belgrade. Milosevic
had launched its campaign for a 'Greater Serbia'.
'Unity of Serbia and Yugoslavia' was the slogan behind the drive.. The
Serbian Parliament adopted on 28 March 1989 what it termed 'constitutional
amendments', namely changes in the Serbian constitution which amounted
to a declaration of re-annexation of Kosova, a legislated occupation of
a federal entity with which it was supposed to be on a par at the federal
level. The legislated occupation was enacted amid a martial law which had
been introduced intermittently since 1981 by the 'Yugoslav' authorities
and was actually in force when Serbia celebrated on 28 March its "restoration
of statehood in its entire territory", with the farcical presence of the
smiling 'agent of Yugoslavia's unity', Federal Prime Minister Ante
Markovic, who had been named to the premiership a couple of
weeks earlier. While he joined Milosevic's cliques in a party in the Serbian
Parliament to celebrate the promulgation of what later came to be referred
to as the 'Constitution of tanks', Albanians were killed in broad daylight
by the 'Yugoslav' forces in late March 1989. .., the Albanians .. called
for upgrading of Kosova's status amounting to equal status with the rest
of the units, namely removal of the possibility that Serbia has a say over
its status. The "Trepa" miners had organized an eight-day hunger-strike
in protest of the Serbian schemes of suspension of Kosova's autonomy. The
voice of the people of Kosova was not heeded by a speedily rising Nazi-Communist
nomenclature in Serbia, embodied in Slobodan Milosevic." (Alba News
- Thu, 28 Mar 1996).
But the repression could not stop the
drive towards Kosovan independence :
"On 27 and 28 March 1989, dozens of thousands of Albanians
took to the streets around Kosova to protest against the incumbent crackdown
on their legal autonomous position, their cultural identity and dignity.
The death-toll was high. Yet, the peaceful resistance and the democratic
movement launched the Albanians on a path of no return toward complete
independence from the Serbs or a new Serb-dominated Yugoslavia. The Albanians
have built and promoted their own civic society in Kosova, a democratic
infrastructure with educational, welfare, health-care, and other institutions,
namely a governing administration short of repressive apparatus only. Under
the leadership of Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, the Democratic
League of Kosova (formed in December 1989), together with other
Albanian political forces in Kosova, as well as the Assembly of Kosova,
completed the legal framework for the institutionalization of the will
of the people of Kosova for an independent country. The
Independence Declaration (2 July 1990), proclamation of a republican
status for Kosova and the promulgation of its constitution (7 September
1990), a popular referendum on Kosova as an independent and sovereign state
conducted in late September 1991, were a prelude to the first multiparty
parliamentary and presidential elections in the Republic of Kosova held
on 24 May 1992. Through direct vote the people elected their representatives
to the Parliament and chose Dr. Ibrahim Rugova President of the Republic
of Kosova with a sweeping majority of votes. A recently conducted poll
in Kosova has shown overwhelming support of the Albanians to Kosova's bid
for independence. Kosova is bound to be a nation. (To counter act these
events, even the - Ed) Police Obstruction of Albanian-language Classes
( is resorted to-Ed). The Serbian police has obstructed the Albanian-language
teaching process in .. elementary and secondary schools in Kosova" (A
l b a N e w s - Thu, 28 Mar 1996).
It is clear that following the Dayton
Agreement, Kosova is another pawn in the struggle between EEC and
USA imperialism. Aware of the explosive forces developing in the Kosovan
Nation, both the EEC and the USA wish to control it. Since the dominant
force in the capitalist state erected in ALBANIA
after the death of Hoxha, was the USA, naturally the alliance of Albanian
President BERISHA and the Kosovan President RUGOVA augured
well for the USA. The two presidents made joint statements on the need
for "resolution of many problems":
"Rugova said. "We are hopeful the coming year will see
the resolution of many problems in Kosova and generally of the Albanian
question", Dr. Rugova said, adding: "We hope, for we have been working
hard on this, that the Kosova issue will be resolved on the express will
of the people of Kosova". President Rugova of Kosova ended his message
with the words: "May 1996 bring a free, independent, and democratic Kosova!".
Albanian President Sali Berisha said the year 1995 brought an end to the
most fierce barbarity Europe has seen since World War II. "Real prospects
for a just settlement of the Kosova issue have been created".. noting that
the international community has brought Kosova to an increasing attention.
(Kosova Daily Report # 782 Prishtina, 3 January 1996; Internet).
This situation led U.S.
Assistant Secretary of State RICHARD HOLBROOKE to hold talks
with Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, seeking permission to establish
an official presence in Pristina. Although "Holbrooke stressed that the
U.S. was not supporting the Kosovar Albanians' demand for independence."
He went on, to " point out that "the oppression of the people there by
the Serbs has been extremely bad." (Fabian Schmidt Omri Daily Digest
1-9-1996; Internet). But throughout 1996 from January, a
further grim repression has set in the Province, really the nation, of
Kosova.
An organization calling itself the
Liberation Army of Kosova (Ushtria Clirimtare
e Kosoves -UCK) arose, while escalating violence from the Yugoslav
remnant states erupted. The increasing attention paid to the atrocities
against Kosovan Albanians, by both the USA and the EEC, shows the importance
of the Kosovan and Albanian keys to the current situation in the Balkans.
The European Parliament (EU) demanded that to recognise the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia, would require that the problem of Kosova "be solved". Doubtless
this is because as the EU said :
"The current situation in Kosova threatens to provoke
a new conflict, that might expand to the neighbouring countries, according
to the European Parliament. ..it is required from Miloshevic to immediately
start a negotiating process with the Kosova leader Ibrahim Rugova and other
Albanian representatives from Kosova. .. the Parliament appealed to the
European Commission to open its Office in Kosova as soon as possible. The
deputies also expressed their concern for the situation in Vojvodina, as
there were some indications that Serbia is trying to change its ethnic
structure." (A l b a N e w s - Fri, 1 Mar 1996; Internet).
The pressure from the USA also grew intense also on this
same issue.
"7.000 Rally for Kosova in Washington : ... Bob
Dole, Senate Majority Leader, said the situation in Kosova must be resolved
before any further sanctions are lifted in Belgrade. The United States
must stand firm and must not give up - even if the allies are pushing another
direction" ... Strong words of support for Kosova came from Rep. Benjamin
Gilman (R-NY), Chairman of the House International Relations Committee,
who vowed that "Serbia will not be permitted into the company of the civilized
nations of this planet until the basic liberties and fundamental freedoms
of the Kosovars have been restored.." (A l b a N e w s - Thu, 28
Mar 1996 ).
Clearly Kosova had become a priority of
US foreign policy. The US Secretary of State Warren
Christopher met Albanian Foreign Minister Alfred
Serechi:
"Serechi stated, ..that Christopher promised to make
.. Kosova a priority issue of the US foreign policy. He also expressed
his belief that the situation in the province will be solved satisfactorily
by a Belgrade-Pristine dialogue, with mediation of a third party." (Alba
News - Fri, 10 May 1996).
Concurrently with this, Berisha was beginning
to experience problems with his erst-while strongest supporters, the USA.
The USA had even criticised the Albanian regime of Berisha, before the
eruption of the Pyramid provoked revolts :
"U.S. Criticizes Albania's Human Rights Record : The
annual State Department human rights report on Albania said there was evidence
of police beatings, pressure on the judiciary, and press restrictions,
Reuters reported on 8 March. The report acknowledged that the government
of President Sali Berisha generally respected human rights but concluded
that serious problems remained, such as prolonged pre-trial detention,
poor prison conditions, and occasional restrictions on press and speech
freedom. It added that the judiciary is subject to political pressure.
The report also criticized the imprisonment of Socialist
Party Leader Fatos Nano, saying his case was "handled by inexperienced,
poorly trained and underfunded investigators, prosecutors and judges in
a highly charged political atmosphere." "Many observers believe that Nano
was incarcerated because he was President Berisha's principal political
opponent," the report noted."(Fabian Schmidt A l b a N e w s - Thu,
14 Mar 1996).
Alliance in Issue
Number 21 said :
"The EEC and the USA are worried about the dangerous
situation as it may boil over scalding them. Also since Albania was the
only socialist state after the fall of the USSR at Khrushchev's accession
to power, they understand the potential force of the Albanian workers and
toilers. They are worried that the continued repressions will foster the
re-birth of the Communist Party of Labour Of Albania. Commentators have
voiced European concerns. These forces - both USA and EEC - have jointly
put pressure on former Yugoslavia: 'European Stick And Carrot in The Solving
of Albanian Issue' ('Dnevnik', 25 May 1996). The Albanian issue in the
Balkans is becoming hotter and hotter for Europe. The European diplomats
like to say lately that 'the situation in Kosova is explosive'. .. The
strong connections of Albanians in Macedonia and Kosova also must not be
neglected. Political leaders of Albanians in Macedonia proved that by their
recent statements. Furthermore, the connections of both groups with Albania
is evident. And it should be expected that Albania will be more demanding
for this issue after the elections. And where is Europe, except for expressing
fear from a new crisis in the region?.. Yugoslavia was directly informed
that the solution of the Kosova issue is an inevitable condition in its
exit from the isolation. The eventual becoming closer of this country to
the European integration processes will. depend on its readiness to develop
constructive relations with its neighbours... said an influential European
official, adding that 'when that is done, (ie between Albania and Kosova)
there will be no obstacle for Macedonia to be treated as one of the future
EU member countries.'.
The situation since has in general, confirmed
the analysis contained in Alliance 21.
Thus the USA attempts to ditch Berisha
are confirmed by several reports from bourgeois USA sources, such as that
contained in the Washington Times, and reported by Albanews in electronic
format (28). This reveals that the USA
State Department had endorsed the view that the elections of 1996 were
invalid having been interfered with by Berisha's party, that Fatos Nano
should be released, and that Berisha should hold new elections:
"When State Department Spokesman Nicholas Burns demanded
earlier this month that Albania's President Sali Berisha "restore democracy,"
.. Mr. Burns demanded that Mr. Berisha's government "restore democratic
rights to the opposition." ... The Clinton Administration and various European
governments and organizations warned Berisha early on in the rebellion
-- back when it still could have been contained -- not to use force against
the rebels. They urged a political solution and Berisha listened. He began
making political concessions while the rebels continued shooting. An agreement
was signed with individual opposition party leaders on March 6, only to
be annulled hours later by the same signatories gathered under the name
of the opposition umbrella organization Forum
for Democracy. The Forum itself is a front organization for Albania's
unreconstructed Socialist Party... a few thousand rebels .. and military
officers sacked by Mr. Berisha in the early days of the democratic transition,
have taken control of the country with the political backing of the Socialist
Party in Tirana. .. President Berisha, faced with an army that cannot fight
after three years of U.S. military training, $100 million dollars in U.S.
military aid and several Partnership for Peace exercises, had no choice
Tuesday but to cave in completely to the demands of the rebels. He appointed
a non-elected member of Albania's former Communist party, Bashkim
Fino, as Prime Minister with the constitutional power to select
his own government. The communist takeover of Albania is complete. Mr.
Berisha was forced to accept the demands of the opposition, dominated by
a Socialist Party .. . " (WashingtonTimes; Ibid. )
It is even considered possible that the
USA directly had manipulated the events surrounding
the pyramid schemes, since the obvious greed and corruption
of the Berisha faction was easy to anticipate:
"The current violence in Albania has its roots in frustration
over pyramid investment schemes that failed early this year. Albania's
former communist and current Socialist Party President Fatos Nano predicted
last summer when we visited him in prison, where he is being held on embezzlement
charges, that it would be the pyramid schemes and not elections that would
bring down Mr. Berisha's government. He was right, but only because his
Socialists used the economic crisis to produce a political crisis and,
in classic Leninist fashion, profit from the chaos that they had created...
The blueprint for the takeover was not secret. The pro-rebel newspaper
Koha Jone, which was saved last year by a U.S. Information Agency-brokered
bail-out by American financier George Soros,
published the following call to arms on January 16, just as the schemes
were collapsing:
"The money-borrowing schemes, the failure of which is
striking the major part of the population, constitutes the ideal time (for)
the opposition to return to life by (turning) the displeasure of the victims
to the development of its policies. "But the opposition...has not paid
necessary attention to such a thing. First, times ago (the opposition)
should have tried to make believable the hypothesis that the state is behind
the money-borrowing investments. While now they could have found it easier
to exploit the revolt of the money-losers to invade the squares." (Washington
Times; Ibid.).
The signals for the USA change of horse,
from Berisha to the Socialist Party, was the USA ambassador in Tirana's
comments:
"Though Nicholas Burns
singled out for repeated criticism some restrictions on the domestic press
called for in the state of emergency, pro-rebel papers like Koha Jone
churned out blatant calls for the overthrow of the government daily. Just
two days before the beginning of the armed uprising in Vlora, Koha Jone
wrote that "...in Vlora are born the first elements of the coming normal
state." Orwellian, to say the least.
How did the Clinton Administration
get Albania so wrong? The May 26 general elections were the stated reason
behind Clinton's final break with Mr.Berisha. Though three of the four
international monitoring organizations found the elections free and fair,
it is this fourth organization, the OSCE's Office
of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), that made
the loudest noises and began framing international opinion on the elections.
The U.S. Administration listened. .. in late June, the State Department
announced that it was siding with the ODIHR and against all other monitors.
It was official: the U.S. was demanding new elections in Albania. The Socialists,
who refused to take their seats in parliament and in the same breath accused
Albania of being a one-party state, felt vindicated. The slow, steady move
to overthrow Berisha progressed.
The violent turn in Albania last week
may have been at least partially sparked by another puzzling move of the
U.S. Embassy in Tirana. Just as European Union foreign ministers had agreed
in late February on a statement that did not support early elections --
to the dismay of the Socialists --U.S. Ambassador in Tirana Marisa
Lino held her own press conference in Tirana where she again
called for early elections.
Interviewed in Tirana last week, Albania's
opposition leaders viewed the American Ambassador's press conference as
a key event in their struggle... Greece, Serbia and Macedonia have all
stepped up their military presence on the border. Suddenly the Balkan "peace
process" seems to be unraveling. " (Washington Times; Ibid. ).
Obviously Mr McAdams approaches the question
from the vantage point of a reactionary. However his article contains some
pertinent information. Some have mis-interpreted
the above analysis in Part Three to imply two things :
Firstly
that it implies that the USA has suddenly become 'progressive'. Of course
the article doe not imply this. It is however implied that the USA is astute
enough to know when it is necessary to find a more 'acceptable' front for
itself in Albania. If Berisha is discredited and cannot any longer 'control'
the masses, why would do they wish to support him?
Secondly
the analysis contained in Part Three does not deny support to the uprising.
On the contrary, it demonstrates the resurgence of the mass struggle in
Albania. It hopefully will be transferred into the consciously guided path
to take state power. Of course that is the role of the Marxist-Leninist
vanguard party.
THE SITUATION TILL MID APRIL
MAY BE SUMMARISED AS FOLLOWS :
1. The USA after a period, fully endorsed the call for
Berisha to hold new elections.
2. The USA fully supports the 'Socialist Party'
- who are now the designated comprador agency for USA imperialism inside
Albania.
3. The USA attempted to force Berisha to yield
to the Socialist Party at the period of the collapse of the Pyramid Schemes.
4. The economic crisis precipitated by the collapse
of the Pyramid schemes appears to have been anticipated by certain elements
of USA capital (Soros) and Fatos Nano. USA agents such as George Soros
specifically suggested this as an opportunity for forcing a crisis upon
Berisha to unseat him. The US Ambassador played her part in fomenting further
difficulty for Berisha. This was countered by EEC moves to 'protect' Berisha.
5. Irrespective of that agenda of the USA imperialists,
once it was unleashed the fury of the masses was unstoppable. As a member
of the Democratic Forum Mr Bundi Gonxhe explained it :
"This all began as a protest against the Government
because of the pyramid schemes. Then it became a untied front against Berisha.
Now it is protest against everything." ('The Australian' March 8-9; 1997;
op. 15).
As arms became distributed to the masses, a potentially revolutionary
situation became evident. All the imperialists - USA & EEC - agreed
that this had somehow 'gone out of hand'. All would now depend upon the
balance between revolutionary forces and the ability to take control of
the situation, and the countervailing strength of the socialist democratic
led Socialist Party, to mislead the masses.
6. Berisha's unseating and subsequent take over
by the Socialist Party leader Bashkim Fino,
places the USA candidate in the dominant position.
7. This is however matched by the entry into Albania
of Italian troops, on behalf of the Italian imperialists and the EEC.
At the time of writing, it is
as yet unclear what the short term outcome will be.
The long term outcome is clearly
the victory of the Albanian people.
Mr McAdams, for the Washington Times,
does not have to be concerned that, as he puts it, the USA keeps "mis-identifying
U.S. interests in the Balkans". Unfortunately Communists know only too
well, that the USA and the EEC know how to manipulate, and divide and rule.
We do not need to agree with Mr McAdams that the Socialist Party are "Leninists"
or "communists".
Marxist-Leninists know that
the programme of the Socialist Party is corrupt to the core.
We await the full re-arming
of the Marxist-Leninists, who are even now working to regain freedom for
the Albanian people.
LONG LIVE THE ALBANIAN PEOPLE!
LONG LIVE THE HEIRS OF THE PARTY
OF LABOUR OF ALBANIA!
LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST PARTY
OF ALBANIA!
GO TO SUBJECT
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