August 2001:

Alliance has not made any secret of its' support for Enver Hoxha, the Albanian peoples and for the liberation struggle in Kosova. Its various articles have laid out the ground that the current desolation in former Yugoslavia is the direct result of Tito-ite revisionism.
    We here re-print views from a Marxist-Leninist party inside former Yugoslavia - Partija rada - that has struggled for years inside a fascist revanchist state, to preserve Marxist-Leninist understanding and practice.
There may be elements of their analysis that we may not be completely in agreement with (e.g. "Did the Yugoslav national democratic revolution against the German fascist occuaption ever get translated into a successful socialist revolution?) - but these disagreements require further discussion and exchange.
    Moreover they do not distract from the main thing. This is clearly that Partija rada has taken a very principled line and supported the Marxist-Leninist line in Yugoslavia against major odds.
    Their analyses deserve a wider audience and debate in the international arena. July 14th 2001. Published August 4th 2001

Document One: Fragment of "Attitudes Of Partija Rada";  received May 17, 2001; Being A Chronology Concerning Partija rada
Document Two: "Resolution of Partija Rada On National Question In Yugoslavia"; received Jun 10, 2001;
Document Three: "On Clashes In Macedonia"; Dated May 2001; received Jun 9, 2001
Document Four: "Resolution of Partija Rada on the NATO Pact and Its Presence In Yugoslavia"  Received: Wed Jun 20, 2001
Document 5:  "On Milosevic and the Hague"; Date June 2001; Received July
Document 6: "Death Notice of Comrade Vladimir Dapcevic"; Received 12.07.2001.
Appendix: Document 7: From Alliance Marxist-Leninist (North America); Condolences

Document One: Fragment of "Attitudes of Partija rada"; 
Received By Alliance May 17, 2001

A Chronology Concerning Partija rada :

1992 Beginning of Party

Partija rada (PR) arose at the moment of the beginning of the war and the disintegration of the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY).

The Party was founded, on March 28th in Belgrade, by a group of radical leftists, gathered around Vladimir Dapcevic. Dapacevic, with this group, continued his work after many years in prison.

PR considers that according to itsí ideas, it can legitimately claim to be the successor of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), which had led a struggle against fascism, and had carried out a socialist revolution.

At the same time, PR strives that throughout its own actions, set in today's historical conditions, it can find the answers on questions of contemporary world.

The work of PR was outstandingly difficult, due to the general propaganda regarding the fall of Communism, because of compromises of communist ideas in Titoís Yugoslavia, and because of a complete discrimination and savagery of nationalism and fascism in Republics of former Yugoslavia.

In the conditions in which PR arose, Party set her main aim:

- Struggle for the destruction of national chauvinism; and
- Restoration of peace between the peoples of Yugoslavia.

The essence of the struggle was aimed against Greater-Serb nationalism as being the most aggressive, and the most powerful enemy - which had begun the wars against the other peoples of Yugoslavia.

In 1992, PR brought out a decision for all members from Serbia and Montenegro to refuse the call for a general mobilization, and not to take a part in the wars in Croatia and Bosnia.

The first issue of our journal is printed. This was planned as a small periodical brochure in which PR would bring out her political attitudes.

On the parliamentary elections in Serbia and Montenegro PR issued a statement which said:

PR directed her activities on working class.
In many actions, actions in front of factories, within the factories, and on tribunes, activists of the PR pointed out to workers the real origin of their misery; and that the nationalists were their greatest enemies.
But, in the conditions of hyperinflation, nationalism, and anti-communism, these actions did not have any real effect.  

Under the slogan: PR conducted propaganda across Serbia and Montenegro, and
we were faced with misunderstanding and criticism.

In August PR we began a party school which had as  its' aim to strengthen
ideologically young Party members for Party work.


In our journal, PR attacked the so-called Yugoslavian left, and marked it as the last force of a false Communism in former Yugoslavia.
With the aim to deal with the hard situation in Montenegro, and to revive Party work, PR held tribunes in cities of Montenegro.

During this time: The Army of Croatia set up a control over the whole territory of that Republic, which ended the war in Croatia. At the same time, masses of refugees come to Serbia.

At the Second Assembly of PR, there prevailed the opinion that everybody who did not accept general line of the Party, must leave PR.

In Bosnia a change developed in the relations of forces. Bosnians achieved a military strength and prevented itself being further torn into pieces by the regimes in Belgrade and Zagreb. The intervention of NATO began, and brought the war to end.
PR saluted the end of the war, and supported the return of refugees;
PR condemned all criminals, and future attacks on the constituent nations.


Regarding May Day, Vladimir Dapcevic in his interview said:

In "Bilten" we printed a clear attitude that the struggle of the Albanian
people must be radicalized, and that this would lead to their national liberation.

In the local elections in Serbia, the regime rigged the vote, and stole the votes;  which led to mass protests. PR gave support to this protest and her members took part in the protests.


- Members of the PR based abroad began "Bulletin International"; the aim of which aim was to propagandize communist attitudes of the PR, within workers from former Yugoslavia, who lived abroad.

- PR gave support to progressive forces in so called Republika Srpska, and in
Montenegro, which had begun to abandon their past nationalistic policy.

 - On September 27th the First Congress of PR was held.
The Congress brought forward a Program and Statute, and chose a new leadership of PR. Congress also adopted the "Resolution on National Question"; as well as the "Resolution on Presence of NATO forces in Yugoslavia."

- PR issued an Appeal for establishing a wide anti-nationalistic and democratic front of all citizens in Serbia, for struggle against nationalism and dictatorship. This Appeal did not obtain a large support.

- In her Communiqués PR attacked the so-called "opposition" in Serbia because of its' nationalist line, and because this "opposition" did not differ from regime on basic questions.

- Students members of PR,  ran an action of solidarity with Albanian pupils and students, for their return in schools and on Universities.
This action of support met with resistance in the Universities in Serbia.


- The armed struggle of the Albanian people in Kosovo began. Members of PR took a part in all anti-war actions. PR issued a statement: "Fascists!" - in
which she attacked the regime in Belgrade because of its' preparations for war on Kosovo.

- PR during the elections in Montenegro, actively supported the forces which were for equality and sovereignty of Montenegro.

- After the massacres committed by the police forces upon the Albanian people, PR in her statements pointed out:

- In September PR printed the first issue of "Otpor", the paper of the youth
committee of PR. The papers carried the sign of the fist, a symbol of rebellious and fighting workers, which answered the nationalistic symbol of three fingers.
- In the papers PR printed the attitude that Milosevic had begun the war against one nation and we predicted that he would lose that war.


- PR brought out a decision on work under war conditions.
- NATO bombing began.
- Defeat of the warring Belgrade regime was cheered as a victory.

- Carrying an analysis of events, "Otpor" predicted a further flow of
- It  pointed out that events in Croatia would unavoidably be reflected by political forces in Serbia; 
- and that in Serbia the question of democratic revolution and destruction of the dictatorship would very soon be on the agenda;
- that Montenegro would very soon make a move to a bigger independence from the regime in Belgrade;
- and that, with time, the Albanian people will come to opposition to the NATO forces in Kosovo.


- PR took a part at May Day demonstrations in Belgrade, which, for the first
time in ten years, did not have a nationalistic character.
- Before elections in Serbia PR issued a slogan:

- The refusal to recognize the peoples will, as expressed during the elections, led to mass demonstrations, strikes and blockades all over Serbia. Members of PR were active in all these actions;
- as well as on October 5th when Milosevic was overthrown from power.

- PR estimated that the rebellion of people had created the possibility for a democratization of Serbia. But, the forces of Greater-Serb nationalism will try to achieve their goals, by relying on the West. 

- In making an analysis of her own development, PR estimates that her influence on the masses and upon political events is still insufficient.
But, on the basis that has been set up, PR has created the possibility for the development of one strong Party, which would fight for interests of exploited and deprived, and which would, together with other revolutionary forces in the Balkans, give her contribution in resistance to the global system
of imperialism.
"Attitudes"; pp. 17-19; Printed April 2001.

Received Jun 10, 2001     This was Lenin's thought on the best way to express how great an importance does national feeling play in the lives of all humans. That is why  revolutionaries have paid great attention to the national question.

    Lenin and Stalin contemplated the national question as a revolutionary question and as an integral part of the socialist revolution. The National Question can be rightly and fully solved, only in Socialism:
    According to the principle that each nation has a right on self-determination up to the point of separation and of the creation of a independent state.
    According to that, we should not mix up "rights" with "duties".     Revolutionaries of oppressor nations should be, unconditionally, for the separation of the oppressed nation(s), and revolutionaries of
the oppressed nation(s) be for for the drawing closer  of nations and their unification.

    Yugoslavia is a multi-national state. By its' historical conditions, the peoples of Yugoslavia have got so mixed together, till today there is no one Republic which is really nationally homogenous. They are all, by the composition of their population, multinational.

    At First, Yugoslavia was shaken from a genuine socialist basis by the national question because of Great-Serb nationalistic oppression; and then Secondly - by repeated attempts of the restoration of a Great-Serb hegemony.
    Twice in fifty years - this came to broad fratricidal wars, which brought into question the ethnic survival of the peoples that participated in them.

    Because of the great importance of the national question Yugoslavian revolutionaries pay an especial attention to it. After some wandering at the beginning, Yugoslavian revolutionaries adopted Leninist principles and carry them out consistently in mult-iethnic Yugoslavia. Starting on the basis of  the internationalist principle of brotherhood of peoples, during World War Two issues on the national questions were solved as a constituent part of the socialist revolution. By the victory of Socialism in Yugoslavia - the national question was solved on the basis of a full equality of all of the peoples.

    But, with Titoistic nationalistic-bourgeois counter revolution, the liquidation of Socialism and its' replacement with state capitalism, with the rule of a bourgeois Party bureaucracy, nationalism burst out in its' full sharpest forms. The rebirth of a great-state chauvinism and mutual struggle of national bourgeois around territories brought about a series of fratricidal wars and the disintegration of  Yugoslavia.

    That process is not finished yet. The national question in the territory of the ex-Yugoslavia is still not solved. It can be solved when Serbian and Croatian great-state chauvinisms, have suffered a full defeat and when all the nations of ex-Yugoslavia would be in a position to achieve their national sovereignty.

    By the intervention of USA and Western powers using the force of the NATO alliance, a more important factor intervened. This became a potential to solve some matters, not only on the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina and implementation of Dayton agreement, but also on the question of
Kosovo and Montenegro.

    In her approach to national question, Partija rada always starts from an internationalist principle. If we look at the past, we can proudly ascertain that PR literally obeyed those principles. Practice irrefutably proved that her analysis and prognosis was correct, that her principal, patriotic, and internationalists position line - was completely confirmed:

    PR was from the very beginning was unconditionally against the criminal conquerors' war of the Great-Serb nationalists in Slovenia, Croatia and
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    Partija rada was persistently on the side of Slovenian, Croatian, and Bosnian-Moslem peoples in their justified defensive wars.
PR was persistently for a united Bosnia and Herzegovina, and she was against the shameful agreement between Milosevic and Tudjman for dividing-up of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and for the creation of a Greater Serbia and Greater Croatia.
    PR sharply condemned the criminal war of Tudjmanís pro-Ustasha army against the Bosnian-Moslems. The Party was, and it would be, for a free and safe return of all Serbs in Croatia, for their equality, national and social rights, and for return of all refugees in Bosnia  and Herzegovina and for their citizen and national rights.
    Partija rada was always on the side of Albanian people on Kosovo and their righteous struggle against Great-Serb occupation and an imposed Apartheid, for their right to bring decisions about their destiny, their sovereignty, and their state.
    The Party supported these forces in Montenegro which leads struggle in
defense of sovereignty and state Montenegro, against aspirations of  Great-Serb nationalism. The Party supported the struggle for autonomy of Vojvodina, and mercilessly condemned terror and crimes against Bosnian-Moslems from Sandzak and supported their right for political and cultural autonomy.

    But, PR did not, nor it would, supported any single national movement in isolation. She treats national question only wholly. If one part is contradictory to the overall and complete solution of the national question, he must be rejected. This Party does not support national movements which helps any imperialists - either the great ones or the small ones - to achieve their wars of conquest.
    That is why PR was, and it is, against pro-Ustasha nationalistic movement of Croats in western Herzegovina, not just because of its' fascistic-mafia character, but before all, because it is extending the hand of a Great-Croat policy, for the further dividing of Bosnia and Herzegovina and for the creation of a Greater Croatia.
    Also, PR was against the Chetnik Great-Serb movement in so called Republic of Srpska, because it was an exponent of Great-Serb nationalism, and because it was for the further dividing of Bosnia and Herzegovina and for Greater  Serbia.

    Partija rada is also against those national movements whose policy was and is in contradiction with the interests of revolution and socialism.

    The main goal of members of our Party, who orginate from the oppressor nations is the resolute struggle against great-state chauvinism of their own nations, and for the unconditional right of oppressed peoples on self-determination.

    Revolutionaries which belong to oppressed nations must fight consistently and persistently against narrow-mindedness, and for coming closer to and unification with, other nations. Main path of development that is marked by history is:
    Firstly, full independence of each nation, and then
    Secondly, An economic, cultural, and political drawing close to each other; an assimilation and unification in a broader state entirety.

    Because of that PR supports the struggle of all peoples from Yugoslavia first  for their independence, and then for the restoration of Yugoslavia.
The crazy chauvinist idea that "we canít live together, without destroying each other" is false as former events already show. Previous experiences clearly teach us Ė that the former nations of Yugoslavia can either live together in peace or could destroy each other.
All the reasons that had allowed the creation of the first and second Yugoslavia exist even now, even much more than ever before.

    A Third Yugoslavia would be unavoidably created, and for this, Partija rada will fight.  That Third Yugoslavia will be better from both previous, since this time it would be created only by the full freely expressed will of all nations, and on the basis of absolute equality.

    The path toward creation of that goal is traced. Each idea that captures the masses, whether it was progressive or reactionary, became a material force. The idea of nationalism and chauvinism came into the consciousness of the masses in Serbia and Croatia.
    Only by decisive, patient, and constant work for the liquidation of nationalistic consciousness, and its replacement with an internationalist consciousness of brotherhood of all peoples, is it possible to achieve that goal.
    After the restoration of Yugoslavia, the next goal of PR would be work and struggle for the drawing closer and unification of Balkan nations, so mixed between each other that the national question of the Balkans - which is a geographical, economic, and cultural entirety - can be solved only by the unification of the Balkan peoples in a single united state entirety.

From: "Program and Statute of Partija rada" pp. 84-90

DOCUMENT THREE: ON CLASHES IN MACEDONIA" Dated May 2001; Received by Alliance Sat Jun 9, 2001
1. The clashes in Macedonia  are a response to the pressure from foreign imperialists to not allow any further spread of unrest.
By means of provoking of these clashes, the regime in Belgrade is trying to realize their goals, by a "crawling imperialism".
This policy replaces Milosevicís overtly aggressive conquering policy. The intentions of the regime in Belgrade star that Serbia will hold onto the dominant position in relation to the surrounding countries, and will become the main support of economic, politic, and military presence of imperialism on Balkans.
    That is why the regime in Belgrade takes these following steps:
- They try to get as big as possible an economic aid from imperialist for the "new" role of Serbia in the Balkans;
- Establishes new relationships with other countries in Balkans;
- Accept a partnership role with NATO forces in crushing of Albanian armed movement;
- They try to sabotage all actions which would led to greater independence of Kosovo;
- They have a two-way policy toward Bosnia and Herzegovina: i.e.: they preach a co-operation with organs of  federation, and at the same time they try to save attributes of state for Republic of Srpska;
- They try to hard as possible to adopt the position of the regime in Podgorica, and constantly support those forces in Montenegro which are dependent upon the regime in Belgrade;
- They choke the autonomous movement in Vojvodina;
- Instead of decentralization they perform a full centralization of economical, and political force parallel with the announcement of a formal regionalisation of Serbia;
- They slow down the co-operation with the Hague tribune regarding the extradition of Milosevic and other war criminals, i.e. they try to carry out successful trade during their extradition;
- With a constant propaganda, and using all measures, they create an illusion to the people that only a strong church, strong state, and strong army are way for salvation of Serbia.

2. The regime in Montenegro has failed to achieve the support of citizens on past elections, and as it is very much isolated. This is largely due to the immediate support of imperialists towards Belgrade. So the Montenegro regime tries to race against time, in order to regroup forces, and to strengthen its own positions - while waiting for further clashes in Serbia, so that can to set in motion toward full independence.

3. The strengthening of the right-wing, and the Ustasha forces in Croatia in the local elections are just a proof that:
i) Because of the full dependence of Croatia on imperialists; and
ii) with the opportunistic government of Racan which did not carry out  a resolute struggle against corruption, criminality, and to protect a wide social layers.
With all this - Croatia canít go much further, and therefore Croatia waits for
strongest political clashes.
The economic situation in Croatia, and frequent mass strikes are in favour of development of workers, revolutionary Party, because those present parties in Croatia which present themselves as "left-wing" - are just ordinary creatures incapable to defend interests of the workers and the rest of the deprived population.

4. The historical defeat which was suffered by revisionism in international revolutionary movement, as well as their loss of any influence among the masses - their bearers - has just opened a path for strengthening of truly revolutionary forces in world. Partija rada with great joy follows the growing and high tide of revolutionary movements in the whole world. PR considers of especial importance, the development of revolutionary forces in:
Colombia, Congo, Turkey, as well as the events at Philippines, Indonesia, Algeria, and in the Middle East.
    PR thinks that the increased resistance to the hegemonic policy of the USA world-wide, the threatening recession which hangs over the economy of USA, the alliance between Peking and Moscow, will necessarily lead to a
more aggressive American foreign policy.
    In such a situation there is a great possibility that the USA will begin a new war clash.

DOCUMENT FOUR: "Resolution of Partija Rada on the NATO Pact and Its Presence In Yugoslavia"  Received: Wed Jun 20, 2001

Resolution of Partija Rada on the NATO Pact and Its Presence In Yugoslavia

"Troops of the NATO pact, together with its political headquarters, are on the territory of Yugoslavia, stationed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Macedonia.

The American imperialists in co-operation with the imperialists of Western Europe created the NATO pact in 1947. Worried over the great victories of the Soviet Union, the creation of the socialist camp, the victory of the Red Army in China, and the mighty anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movement in countries of the Third world, they created the NATO pact as an aggressive military pact against the Soviet Union, China, and the liberation movements in the colonies. From the very beginning of its creation it was formed as a striking military fist to conquer the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, and to restore capitalism there. The direct interventions of NATO in Vietnam, Latin America and Africa are well known.

At the end of the eighties, the Soviet Union fell apart, the Warsaw pact was
dissolved, and the countries in the framework of the Soviet Union, as well as the countries of Eastern Europe, liquidated socialism and proceeded to restore capitalism.

When the main adversary of the NATO pact - the Warsaw pact - disappeared, it would seem normal that the NATO pact would be dissolved. Instead, the NATO pact was strengthened, it was armed with new, most perfect weapons, and the military budgets of members of the NATO pact have grown. Using economic, diplomatic, political, and military pressure, it does everything to expand itself, not only to all countries of Eastern Europe, but also to all countries of the former Soviet Union, and thus to reach the borders of Russia. Its aim is thus to completely isolate Russia, force her to her knees, so that she and the other countries of the former Soviet Union would become some kind of semi-colonies, with undisturbed use their huge natural resources, the abundance of cheap labour power and vast market. It is obvious that the NATO pact is still an aggressive military force of imperialism, which does
everything, not only by economic and financial means, but also by the military force of NATO, to insure the reign of imperialism in the whole world.

The NATO pact is a reactionary military force of American imperialism, the most dangerous enemy of socialism and of the peoples in the countries of the Third World.

Why did troops of the NATO pact come to Yugoslavia?
The USA and the NATO pact remain, after the destruction of the Soviet Union, the only superpower, the only global force in the world. One of the strategic aims of the USA and the NATO pact is not to allow events in the world to escape their control and start to develop without their influence and against them. They quietly watched several years of war in Slovenia, Croatia and especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and did not find the need to intervene. But they concluded that the continuation of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina would unavoidably lead to its spreading to Kosova, Macedonia, and the whole Balkans, and that Turkey and Greece, two important members of NATO, would join this war on opposite sides. The NATO pact then decided to send its troops to stop the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They forced Milosevic and Tudjman to sign the Dayton agreement.

One other element seriously influenced them to speed up the implementation of the Dayton agreement and also to solve the question of Kosova and make possible a longer and stable peace in the Balkans. That was caused the possibility that soon Turkey would "explode," and with her the whole Middle East, so that they would eventually find themselves at war with the whole Moslem world which now numbers one billion one hundred million people.

What is the position of Partija Rada toward the presence of NATO on the
territory of Yugoslavia?

Partija Rada considers that this must be considered unemotionally and that one must determine whether in this situation the presence of NATO is good or bad for the peoples of Yugoslavia. Mostly because in history there have been cases when the interests of the imperialists, if there was a common enemy, may be identical to the interests of the people. That happened during World War 2 when the Soviet Union signed a pact with the two largest Imperialist powers of that time - the USA and England - because of the joint fight against the common enemy - Hitler's Germany.

In Yugoslavia, unfortunately, nationalism has gripped wide masses. The Great-Serb and Great-Croat chauvinists, indeed, with their policy of war, have endangered the global interests of the USA and NATO, which provoked the arrival of NATO in Yugoslavia. It is a fact that in Yugoslavia, because of widespread nationalist consciousness, forces could not be organized to oppose the dangerous, chauvinist policy of Milosevic and Tudjman. It is a fact that if NATO troops had not arrived and had not stopped the war by the force of arms, probably this year there would be another hundred thousand deaths, further destruction and new crimes.

The very act of stopping the war was positive. The effort to implement the Dayton agreement, to provide a united Bosnia and Herzegovina, for all refugees to return to their homes, and to convict all war criminals, PR considers as in the interest of the people of Yugoslavia. The implementation of the Dayton agreement and the solution of the question of Kosova will strike a final blow to the Great-Serb policy of war of conquest, and also to nationalism in Yugoslavia, which was its main basis in that policy. That is why PR in this and similar situations for now is not against the presence of NATO, because at this moment it is in the interest of the people of Yugoslavia.

But if, after the establishment of peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the solution of these basic problems, NATO troops remain in Yugoslavia, Partija rada would consider them as occupiers, which they really would be. Then PR, as a genuine patriotic party, would organize a political and other fight against the presence of NATO, up to an armed fight for the liberation of the country from the occupiers.
"Program and Statute of Partija rada"
Belgrade 1997. 

DOCUMENT 5:  "On Milosevic and the Hague"; Dated June 2001; Received Sun Jul 08
1. Slobodan Milosevic is not, nor could have been the only guilty person for all committed crimes. It is impossible to grant an amnesty to all those, who both produced Milosevic, and supported him all this time, and who conducted the criminal policies. Attempts to put the entire blame and the whole guilt on him as  "the last Communist dictator", and accusing him of ruling without will of the people - are the expressions of the unreadiness of the people of Serbia to face their historical responsibility.
Serbia must face up to her crimes, and her criminals.

2. The extradition of Milosevic to Hague Tribunal represents a clear indication that the so called pragmatic forces in Serbia, led by Prime Minister Djindjic, had won a significant victory over the reactionary-nationalistic block.
The reactionary conservative block try to maintain the basic policy of Milosevic which is very important for the Church, for the nationalistic intelligence, and for the pro-fascistic Parties. In doing this they try to provide a support to the army and to President Kostunica. This new form of fascism, brings an acute social crisis.
The possibility of a victory over the reactionary-nationalistic forces depends upon the speed of Serbian economic renewal. If the fascists win, their victory would mark the beginning of another bitter civil war and a renewed disintegration of Serbia.
Despite these growing contradictions, an economic support from abroad [that of course serves the interests of Imperialists] would be a decisive factor that would mark how things are developing in Serbia.
Very soon it will be clear that clashes in Serbia would favour the NATO Imperialists, since this will enable them to take over full Balkans.
It also will operate to favour Russia, which would like to see western Imperialists dealing with the problems of Balkans in future.

3. The law on privatization was passed, without any resistance of working class, and that is nothing strange.
It is the attitude of Partija rada that the working class in Yugoslavia was not created in a traditional way. During Tito's regime, the working class fully adopted a petit-bourgeois ideology and, by the end, dissolved into nationalism. Now the working class is completely disorientated. Even the significant role that the working class played in and during the overthrow of Milosevic's regime was not used to ensure a better organization and strengthening of the working class position in society.
The centralization of capital, robbery and neo-colonial status of the country is a cruel reality of Serbia. Defeats of nationalistic ideology and a wild new capitalism have created a real possibility that, for the first time after fifty years, in Yugoslavia there would arise truly revolutionary forces.

4. PR has pointed out that the Albanian national movement, during itsí resistance to Milosevic's local-Imperialism; of necessity had to find an ally in American Imperialism.
Also, PR pointed out that the goals of the Albanian national movement would inevitably come into an opposition to the interests of the USA on Balkans.
That is obvious today in Macedonia.
The USA is, because of their own interests, seeking to please the interests of puppet regime in Skopjenor the demands of Albanian parties. These latter do not enter into armed clashes with the Albanian military movement. That is why they try firstly to isolate the Albanian military movement, politically as well as military, and then to marginalize it and put it under their control.

PR stands for, not only the full implementation of Albanian rights in Macedonia, but also states that the quantity of Albanian movement would give one new quality in resistance to American Imperialism on Balkans.


    In Brussels at 12th July in 84th year of life died a Revolutionary Vladimir Ė Vlado Dapcevic.
    Vlado Dapcevic was born on 1917 in Montenegro. He was accepted into the  Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) in 1933. Because he was spreading propaganda material, joining in demonstrations, and clashing with the police, he was arrested several times. With a large group of volunteers he tried to get into Spain to take a part in defending of Spanish Republic, but he got arrested and was convicted.
    He continued his political work in the University of Belgrade where he got heavyily injured during clashes with fascistic youth.
    On 1941 Vlado Dapcevic was taking a part in the peopleís uprising of Montenegro against fascist occupiers. He passed all great battles of Partisan Army for liberation of Yugoslavia. During these battles he was wounded several times and two times expelled from the CPY because of critique of certain decisions of Party. At the end of the war he became a lieutenant colonel.
    After the war he worked at High Party School, and then he was appointed for chief of Administration of Yugoslavian Peopleís Army (JNA) for agitation and propaganda.
    On 1948 after the Resolution of Informbureau, which was opposed to Titoís revisionism - Vlado Dapcevic tried  to escape from the country, but he was caught and sentenced to 20 years of prison. From 1948 till 1956 he passed through the worst torture on Goli otok and other concentration camps of Titoís Yugoslavia.
    On 1958 because of the possibility of a new arrest, he fled the country to Albania, and then to the Soviet Union. Because of his opposition to the policy of Khruschev and of the now-revisionist CP of USSR it was made impossible to him to work politically. He tried to organise trips of political emigrants on Cuba, and then in Vietnam, but that was made impossible for him by the authorities. Under the treat of arrest, he was forced in 1967 to flee the Soviet Union and to go to Western Europe.
    In Western Europe, till his later settling in Belgium, he was arrested a few times. In Western Europe he was engaged in work of Marxist-Leninist parties.
    In 1975 Yugoslavian police hijacked Vlado Dapcevic. In Yugoslavia he was sentenced to death, but sentence was replaced with 20 years of prison.          On 1989 after releasing from prison he was expelled from the country.
    On 1990 he was granted a return to Yugoslavia. From 1992 he was the President of Partija rada. During that period Vlado Dapcevic directed all his activities on fight against the war, and for conducting of peace between peoples of Yugoslavia, while the struggle against Great-Serb nationalism and Milosevicís regime was the main aim of his political activity.
    He was an example how one persistent revolutionary defended basic principles of proletarian Internationalism. In his brave struggle for rights of deprived and oppressed, Vlado Dapcevic with his life and work wrote some of the best pages of revolutionary anti-imperialistic movement on the world.

Information Department of PR

DOCUMENT 7: From Alliance Marxist-Leninist (North America); Condolences

Dear Comrades of Partija Rada,
    We did not know the President of the party 'Partija Rada -                 Comrade Vlado Dapcevic. However in the notice of his death, you have       given a brief outline of someone who was obviously an outstandingly           brave fighter for Marxism-Leninism.
    It appears that his long and difficult path included perhaps the earliest criticisms of the revisionism of the Titoite cliques. The notorious prison of 'Goli Otok' that was used to imprison the Marxist-Leninist dissidents of Tito, is still conveniently "over-looked" by those who continue to support the Titoite Yugoslavia as "socialist".
    Not content with exposing Titoite revisionism, Comrade Dapcevic then went on to expose Khruschevite revisionism within the heartlands of the then 1958-1967 revisionist Soviet Union. Then following even further illegal work, he was captured by the Yugoslav revisionists and imprisoned. Even then he was not finished, for he then participated in the work/building of your organisation.
    How do we appraise your organisation - Partija Rada?
    We must be frank, this is difficult for us to be complete on, since it is:
Firstly very recently that we have begun to interact, and
Secondly we are not familiar with your language, and cannot read all your documents.
    However there are a few matters regarding our appraisal of your organisation that deserve comment:
(1) You are living within Serbia and the borders of former Yugoslavia - but are adamantly taking a Marxist-Leninist line on the national question in the Balkans. This is not only rare, but is an extremely brave stance for your individual members and your party to adopt - in the heartland of a revanchist fascist mentality.
(2) You steadfastly adopt the practice of proletarian internationalism          and support the re-building of the followers of Enver Hoxha in nearby       Albania, who are re-grouping as the United Communist Party Albania.
(3) Moreover even further afield, you adopt the paractice of fraternal debate and criticism aimed at a non-sectarian debate. This again is a very rare practice in those who so freely call themselves "Marxist-Leninists" today.

    While a party's conduct cannot be ascribed to a single individual -         there is no doubt that the influence of key organisers and leaders of                the party has to have a major influence on how members conduct                 themselves. It would be anti-dialectical to think otherwise.

    It is for this reason, and coupled with what you have described of the life history of Comrade Dapcevic, that we can confidently say: We would have liked to have lengthy discussions with Comrade Dapcevic.

    In this we will not of course now succeed. However, he has left his           heirs - in the Partija Rada and he has left his political legacy of writings. We fully expect the dialogue between our organisations to continue and to be fruitful. We believe that the critiques that your announcement discusses - of Tito, of the CPY, of Khruschev - that had been formulated by comrade Vlado Dapcevic - are historic documents of great significance to the developing Marxist-Leninist movement of the world. We hope that the energy and necessary time and resources can make these documents available in at least an English translation - to the world movement.
    We offer our condolences and regrets to both the party members of Partija Rada, and to the family of Vlado Dapcevic. We look forward to getting to know him at closer range through his writing.
With Fraternal Greetings,
Friday 13th July 2001.