Since the date of the publication of the Pyongyang Declaration, many more organisations have signed onto this declaration. A slightly different translation can be found of the text at:  http://home.clara.net/ncp/pyongyang.html

    And news regarding the updated number of signators is at:
  http://www.kcna.co.jp/item/2000/200012/news12/17.htm 

COMPASS: SUPPLEMENT March 1994

QUITO DECLARATION OF "UNITY & STRUGGLE"
Communist call to the workers and peoples

    After this last generalised assault of imperialism and capitalism, which intended to wipe out MarxismLeninism, scientific socialism, communism, proletarian revolution and anti-imperialism, we are rising again, in all corners of the world. Communists are being born again in every workers' strike, in every popular mobilisation, in every struggle of the working class and peoples for freedom and democracy, in every revolt of the youth and in every guerrilla group. We reorganise, unite, draw lessons from what has happened and continue to march forward.
    We will not give up our endeavour until we accomplish our historical mission.
    We are millions of human beings in struggle. We workers continue to be the main producers of all wealth, everywhere and the different conditions in which the means of production develop. Nothing in essence will change so (long) as others live from our sweat and so long as we have not achieved the transformation of this society into a more advanced one.

PROLETARIANS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
August 1994, Quito-Ecuador

The Signatories:
Communist Party of Albania
Communist Party of Benin
Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action)
Communist Party of Colombia (ML)
Communist Party of Labour of Dominican Republic
Communist ML Party of Ecuador
Workers Communist Party of France
Communist Party of Germany (KPD)
Labour Party of Iran (Toufan)
Organisation for the Construction of the Proletarian Party of Italy
Revolutionary Communist Party of Ivory Coast
Communist Party of Mexico (ML)
Marxist-Leninist Collective of New Zealand
Communist Organisation October of Spain
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)
Revolutionary Communist Party of Upper Volta
Red Flag Party of Venezuela

1) UPON THE THEME "STALIN TODAY"

    The historical events in the Soviet Union and the People's Democracies of Central and Eastern Europe have shown that negating the role of Stalin leads to anti-Marxist and anti-Leninism and the destruction of the socialist mode of production.
    The question of Stalin is not the problem of a particular personality. Confusion about this has prevented development of revolutionary communist parties of the world. The anti-Stalin campaign formed an anti-Marxist view of the entire epoch of Socialism. Socialist Industrialization, Collectivization, the defeat of Fascism in the Great Patriotic War, the creation of a democratic camp of nations, were amongst the greatest achievements of this epoch. Under the leadership of Stalin the workers and peasants ruled the USSR. The epoch of Stalin was the epoch of the Socialist revolution in the ascendent. Imperialist reaction seeks to deny these heroic achievements.
    The positive re-evaluation of the role of Stalin within the Russian communist movement has stimulated a similar re-evaluation amongst the communists internationally.
    Participants of this internationaI seminar "Stalin Today" resolve to uphold the banner of Stalin, which is indispensable for the defence of socialism and communism.
    They insist on the deep scientific study of the epoch connected with the name of Stalin from the standpoint of the Marxist-Leninist theory, in order to restore and mantain the historical truth on that epoch.

2) RESOLUTION OF THE PARTICIPANTS OF THE INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR "STALIN TODAY" AGAINST THE PERSECUTIONS OF THE COMMUNISTS'

    After the events in the U.S.S.R. and Eastern Europe the bourgeoisie is celebrating its momentary victory with an attack on the democratic rights and freedoms. The obvious violations of the fundamental democratic principles are:

- the bloody assault on the Parliament and the massacre of the defenders of the Constitution in Moscow in October 1993;
- the attempts to illegalize the Communist parties in the former Socialist countries;
- or to exclude these parties from participating in political life;
- and the arrests and persecutions of the Communists in Albania, Lithuania and other states.

    The participants of the International Seminar "Stalin Today" express the solidarity with the communists and revolutionaries undergoing persecution. We demand:

- An immediate end to any restriction of any activity of the Communists;
- The immediate release of Comrade Nexhmije Hoxha and other political prisoners in Albania;
- The immediate release of Comrade Alekszindr Smotkin and other political prisoners in Lithuania.

DECLARATION of the participants of the international symposium "For the unity of action in the communist movement".

In many communist and revolutionary parties, the revisionist policy of Gorbachov and the actual restoration of capitalism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union have caused many splits, divisions and conflicts. In 1989-90, imperialism conducted an aggressive world-wide campaign to announce "the historical defeat of socialism and the rule of free capitalism till the end of times".

The Pyongyang Declaration of April 15, 1992, was an outright response to this bourgois position, formulated on an international level. It was stated clear and  unequivocally that the temporary defeat of socialism in certain countries doesn't change anything to the desire and the resolve of the exploited and oppressed peoples to free themselves from their chains and to build a socialist future.

The Pyongyang Declaration unites various types of communist, revolutionary and anti-imperialist organisations. In the new international situation it is up to the communist parties and organisations to define the basis of their renewed unity. This requires consultations and the exchange of views. After the Pyongyang Declaration, its actuality and living power have been proven by events. From the moment of its adoption, more than 200 communist, revolutionary and labour parties, progressive movements and organisations from all continents of the world has signed the Pyongyang Declaration.

As a development and concrete definition of the theses of the Pyongyang Declaration, the participants of the international symposium "For the unity of action in the communist movement" put forward the following proposals:

1. We, communists, should must strengthen our unity on the basis of Marxism-Leninism by fighting revisionism, sectarianism and dogmatism. We have to accept that some disagreements between us may exist for a long time, to accept criticism and counter-criticism, and to preserve unity. This allows an optimal enrichment and guarantees maximum efficiency for the development of the International Communist Movement. Upholding both Marxism-Leninism and unity are two aspects of a consistent revolutionary policy.

2. We favour a formula of meetings without exclusions, where Marxist-Leninist parties, traditionally divided into pro-Russian, pro-Chinese, pro-Albanian, pro-Cuban or independent could find each other. There should be a central initiative, a realistic unitary initiative, adapted to the present reality, which garantuees optimum results. We propose the communist parties, historically oriented from the years 1956-1963 to different centers of the communist movement, to agree about the approach we present. Beyond any doubt, common analyses and judgments of the history of the Soviet Union would be useful to all of us. A materialist analysis of the period of Lenin, Stalin, Krushchev, Brezhnev and Gorbachov is vital for the survival of every communist party. It is also necessary to study the experiences of the work of communists in the trade-unions, anti-imperialist struggle,the youth and the media.
    We appeal to strengthen the common struggle for the defense of the socialist countries, and also of those Third World countries, that are most threatened by imperialism.

3. We recommend to all participants of the symposium to popularize this document amongst the progressive parties, movements and organisations, in order to enhance the number of subscribers of this declaration. The declaration is open to any party and political organisation, willing to defend in common the cause of peace, democracy and socialism

Proposition for the Unity of the International Communist Movement Parti Du Travail Belgique (PTB); Brussels May 1995;

Introduction.
1. The Gorbatchev-Eltsine counter-revolution has brought the complete restoration of capitalism in the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union. This is a victory of imperialism and reaction, an important setback for all communist and progressive forces all over the world.

2. This counter-revolution has exacerbated all fundamental contradictions in the world: the contradiction between the socialist countries and imperialism, the contradiction between the oppressed peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin-America and imperialism, the contradictions between the imperialist powers and the contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie. The forces of reaction, racism, fascism and war have started a world wide offensive.

3. In this situation, there is an urgent need for communist parties and organisations who stay to the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism to unite, to draw lesson of the counter-revolutionary processes that have destroyed socialism in the Soviet-Union, to exchange their experiences and analysis and coordinate their work.

The former divisions between Marxist-Leninist parties can be overcome.

1. Since 1956, the international communist movement has been divided and splitted, mainly due to the revisionist line adopted by Khrouchtchev, but also under the influence of ultra-left attitudes. .

2. Today, as a result of the restoration of capitalism under Gorbachov, the "pro-Soviet" tendency, which once constituted the majority, has atomized into innumerable tendencies. In the sixties, a "pro-Chinese" tendency had emerged which splitted into various tendencies after Mao's death. There has been a "pro-Albanian" tendency, which has also splitted after the collapse of socialism in Albania, and a "pro-Cuban" tendency, mainly in Latin America. Some parties, finally, maintained an "independent" position vis-a-vis the tendencies mentioned.

3. Whatever opinion one may have about the correctness or necessity of these splits at a certain point in history, today, the possibility exists to overcome these divisions and to unite Marxist-Leninist parties, traditionally divided along pro-Soviet, pro-Chinese, pro-Albanian, pro-Cuban or independent lines.

4. All Parties that are loyal to Marxism-Leninism are aware that revisionism has weakened and divided the international communist movement and that it has finally degenerated into open treason.

5. After the complete restoration of capitalism in the Soviet-Union, all the communists can agree that revisionism is the most dangerous ideological enemy of Marxism-Leninism. Life has proven that revisionism represents the bourgeoisie within the communist movement.

6. The various divisions and splits that have occurred over the last 35 years have seriously weakened the entire international communist movement.

7. In the past, there have been regroupings of parties and organisations based on a specific political and ideological orientation. Within the various groupings, some parties have succeeded in striking deep roots among the masses, have acquired a revolutionary experience of their own, and have succeeded in linking Marxism-Leninism with the reality of their country. Within each of these groupings, some organizations have deviated to Left or Right opportunism, roamed about without a grip on the struggle, and disappeared.

8. In the actual situation, all parties that stay to the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism feel the need to bypass the former divisions and unite.

9. Communists must unite on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. Unity based on Marxism-Leninism must be strengthened by fighting right and left opportunism. We have to accept that disagreements, some of them very serious, may exist for a long time, to accept criticism and countercriticism, and to preserve unity. Upholding both Marxism-Leninism and unity are two aspects of a consistent revolutionary policy.

Fight revisionism and defend Marxism-Leninism

1. Since its establishment in 1919, the International Communist Movement has stirred history and changed the outlook of the world. The Second Congress of the Communist International held in July 1920 adopted a constitution, requirements for admission, the Manifesto and other essential resolutions which characterized the international communist movement vis-a-vis Social Democracy. Until 1956, it maintained its revolutionary orientation, its unity and its strength and it influence in the world continued to increase.

2. In order to reappear on the world scene as a significant current, the International Communist Movement must claim this common history.

3. Lenin has continued the revolutionary work of Marx and Engels and has developed it under the new conditions of imperialism. He led down the principals of communist Party building and the elaborated the strategy and the tactics of the socialist revolution and put them into practice. He
denounced social-democracy as the ideology of the bourgeoisie and of imperialism inside the working class movement. He formulated the guiding lines for socialist construction under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

4. Stalin has applied the Leninist principles and under his leadership, the Bolchevik Party transformed a backward and ruined country in an industrialed socialist counrty. The collectivisation and modernisation of soviet agriculture, the socialist industrial isation, the cultural revolution, the building of strong defense forces with the Red Army as its core, the victory in the patriotic anti-fascist war, the reconstruction of the country and the adoption of a consistant foreign policy defending world peace and supporting the anti-colonial and anti-neocolonial struggles in Asia, Africa and Latin America are achievements of historical and world wide significance.

5. Stalin maintained that class struggle continues under socialism. He stressed that the old feudal and bourgeois forces didn't cease their fight for restoration, and that the opportunists within the Party, the Trotskyites, the Bukharinists, the bourgeois nationalists and the bureaucratic elements helped the antisocialist classes and strata to regroup their forces.

6. Khrushchev has imposed a revisionist line to the Soviet-Party and to the International Communist Movement. This line was formulated in his report to the XXth Congress, his secret report on Stalin, and his report to the XXIInd Congress.

7. In 1956 Khrushchev has launched an attack on Stalin's internal and foreign policy in order to change the fundamental ideological and political line of the Party. Subsequent, a gradual degeneration of the whole political and economic system has taken place.

8. Brezhnev has never questioned the revisionist programme of the XXth and XXIInd Congress. He even "developed" the theses on "the state and the Party of the whole people", and declared that the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union was no longer possible. He destroyed all revolutionary vigilance and put an end to the class struggle against bureaucratism, technocratism, careerism and corruption.

9. It was under Brezhnev's rule that a new bourgeoisie was able to consolidate itself into a class which was able to dominate the political scene and to impose its open dictatorship under Gorbachov.

10. In the whole world, the bourgeoisie celebrates the defeat of socialism. In fact, we have weeknessed the defeat of revisionism initiated 35 years ago by Khrushchev. This revisionism has ended in a complete economic failure, in capitulation for imperialism, in capitalist restoration, in a social catastrophe and in reactionary civil war.

11. Khrushchev started his destructive work by alleging that he criticised Stalin's errors with the aim of restoring Leninism in its original purity. Gorbachov made the same demagogical promises to disorient the leftist forces. But the criticism of "Stalinism" was only a trick to camouflage the attacks on all Marxist-Leninist principles. The day Gorbatchev had completely destroyed "Stalinism", he declared his open hostility to leninisme and his adherence to social democracy.

12. The discussion about the experience of the CPSU under Stalin must be reopened in the International Communist Movement. Anti-Stalinism has been the Trojan horse for anti-communism, introduced in the ranks of the International Communist Movement.

13. For a certain period of time, disagreements about the assessment of the work of comrade Stalin will remain. These discussion should be tackled in a scientific manner and based on class positions.

14. By hindsight we may say that, after the XXth Congress of the CPSU, the majority of communist parties dearly underestimated Khrushchev revisionism.

15. In the sixties, it was Mao Zedong who had best grasped the danger of revisionism. Enver Hoxha, Ho Chi-Minh, Kim Il Sung and Che Guevara also made important contributions to the fight against revisionism.

16. In the light of the degeneration of the Soviet Union there is a need to revalue the work of comrade Mao Zedong. By leading the national-democratic revolution and its transformation into the socialist revolution in a large Third World country, he has made a contribution of world-wide significance. Mao Zedong resisted Khrushchev and later on Brezhnev's revisionism. He made the first attempt in history to draw the masses into the fight against degenerative tendencies within the Party.

17. Different opinions in the International Communist Movement on the merits of Mao Zedong will remain for a certain time; they should be treated in an impartial way, searching for the truth on the basis of the facts.

18. The ideological struggle against revisionism is a complex and prolonged task. Revisionism, that has destroyed so many parties, will not disappear spontaneously. Tito's revisionism had been criticised by the international communist movement as early as 1948. Khrushchev, in developing his opportunist course, did in fact copy many revisionist theses of Titism. If the revisionist ideas and theses are not analyzed and criticised in dept, they continue to exist and the liquidationist current can strike again and claim new victims. The relationship between the lines of Khrushchev and Brezhnev and the policies of Gorbachov, must be analyzed in dept, as well as the development of the degenerative process from its origins till its outcome.

Fight splitism and maintain unity.

1. Khrushchev started to destroy the organisational unity of the International Communist Movement by expelling the parties who opposed his revisionism.

2. But subsequent sectarianism and ultra-Leftism resulted in innumerable unjustifiable splits. Real differences in analysis and judgment led to antagonism and rupture. There have been important ideological and political conflicts about Czechoslovakia in 1968, Cambodia in 1979, Afghanistan in 1980, the elimination of the Gang of Four in 1976, the Three Worlds Theory in 1977, the line of Deng Xiaoping in the early 1980s, and so on.

3. All these conflicts were important. Fundamental disagreements have to be clarified, but it requires time and serious materialist analysis and debates. Each party should have studied the different colliding standpoints in earnest, formulate its own standpoint while preserving the unity of the movement.

4. Every party applies the Marxist-Leninist principles to the present reality according to its own concept. Nobody can demand concessions from another party on points the latter considers essential. Every party defines its policy in complete independence. But this doesn't contradict the duty to maintain the unity of the international communist movement, for this unity is also an important question of principle.

5. Ample documentation exists on the practice of the CIA and other secret services to exploit the disagreements between communist parties. The enemy is aware of the importance of unity among communists and he often supports all centrifugal tendencies, sponsoring as well Right revisionism as Leftist positions, in order to accelerate divisions and splits.

6. By safeguarding the movement's unity, each Party will be able to learn more and faster. We can learn not only from the parties with which we generally agree, but also from those who following, in our opinion, a Left or Right opportunist course.

7. First of all, our judgment can be wrong. Secondly, experience has taught that Parties can draw lessons from certain aspects of the mass work, the experiences, the theoretical work, and so on of Parties wich whom they disagree. Thirdly, fundamental disagreements must not preclude certain forms of cooperation and common struggle as regards racism, trade union rights, anti-imperialist struggle, etc. Fourthly, we must take possible developments into account. Certain parties which we consider to be right or left opportunist may correct themselves, or some factions may develop positively. Finally, the parties we consider opportunist may degenerate completely, and openly defect to the bourgeoisie. Having maintaining relations with such them can teach us many useful lessons by negative example.

Organisational propositions

1. We propose to organise a realistic unitary initiative, adapted to the present reality and needs, to bring together, once a year or every two years, all parties loyal to marxism-leninism and proletarian internationalism.
    A realistic unitary initiative can guarantee efficiency and optimum results with a rational investment of time and higher cadres.
    The majority of communist parties, notably in the Third World, don't have the financial resources nor the cadres available to travel abroad several times a year in order to meet with the different components of the International Communist Movement.
    The resources of each of our organisations are limited. None of us can thoroughly study all essential subjects. We can have only a limited number of valuable practical experiences. Each of us, in order to progress in a faster way, must make the effort to assimilate the best theoretical works and the best practical experiences of the others. This also pleads for a unitary initiative.

2. Communist parties from the different tendencies within the International Communist Movement should agree on a common concept. In order to elaborate this common concept as well as the modalities for its application, an organizing Bureau should be set up, which, per continent or subcontinent, comprises a significant representation of the three or four ML existing currents.

3. In the actual situation, it is not possible to build an new international organisation on the model of the Third International with a leading body and a common discipline for all members. The basic aim of the unitary communist initiative is to stimulate exchanges and cooperation.

4. For the moment, the most suitable organisational form for the unitary initiative is the seminars. Its first purpose is the exchange of informations, documents and analyses. Through the presentation of political and theoretical analyses and reports of the practical experiences, the different parties learn to know each other and to share their knowledge.
    Secondly, debates on crucial issues of common interest should be organised.
    Thirdly, coordination of actions and activities can be organised on a volontary base.
    Resolutions will eventually be drafted in a spirit of consensus and they can be adopted or rejected on an individual base. Proposals for resolutions should be submitted before the seminar starts and after an open discussion, a draft-committee shall write the resolutions to be submitted.

5. We propose that the Organizing Bureau prepares an international conference of the Communist Movement for the year 1997, the 80th anniversary of the Great October Revolution. During the tree years to come, serious and systematic preparations should be undertaken.

6. This Proposition for the Unity of the ICM will be the base for discussions and consultations in the year to come. All parties will be asked to subscribe this document or to submit written amendments. A final draft of this Proposition will be discussed and adopted at the seminar to be held on 2-4 May 1995 in Brussels.

7. The Conference of 1997 should at least have the following points on its agenda.
    - The history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union under Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev and Gorbatchov, the development of  revisionism and the final collapse.
    - The New World Order, its nature and contradictions and the new conditions of peoples struggles against imperialism.
    - Lenin and the October Revolution.

8. Different seminars will be organised in the years to come on this issues, as a preparation for the Conference. The seminar of May 2-4, 1995 in Brussels will concentrate on the first issue: The history of the Communist Party of the Soviet-Union and the development of revisionism.

9. Studies by different parties on these three issues will be printed in book form. This will enhance the preparations and discussions for the international Conference.
May 1994. Brussels.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

    The Central Committee of the SUCI studied with care the Brussels Declarations of May 3, 1994, soon after a copy of the "Propositions for Unity of the International Communist Movement" was received and it endorsed the same for the most part, appreciating deeply this unity move. These propositions suggested, among others, that a seminar be held from May 2 - 4, 1995, in Brussels to concentrate on growth and development of revisionism in the CPSU. This topic of ascendancy of revisionism in the CPSU, we consider, is closely linked with the question of unity of the international communist movement, which finally was chosen to be the topic of the seminar We believe, the question of communist unity can be fruitfully examined only in the light of a correct and comprehensive analysis of how revisionism made in-roads in the CPSU. We thought it would be appropriate to prepare an approach paper on 'revisionism' along with one on 'communist unity' ' We expect all comrades here to go through either and give their valued opinion for the benefit of us all.

Comrades,
    At this moment when the international proletarian movement has come under the most severe attack from the international capital, in the absence of a socialist camp, it is imperative for the genuine communists all over the world to come together. The question is : What should be the ideological basis of unity of the international communist movement ? What are we aiming at really ? How to remove differences which may quite naturally arise in the course of forging unity ? To seek the answer and arrive at a common conception we had better set the major premise first.

The Premise

1. As communists, we are internationalists and pledged to uphold Marxism-Leninism as explained, elaborated and enriched by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao Zedong and other leaders who correctly applied its teachings in their lifelong struggles in different respective countries.

The SUCI holds that serious deviations started in the movement since the 20th Congress of the"CPSU which opened "the floodgate -of revisionism". With time, instead of being fought out, halted and eliminated, this revisionist deviation entrenched itself in the period from Khrushchev through Brezhnev to Gorbachev, the final dismantling coming under the latter. If a single reason to be adduced for this retrograde development, it is the lowering of the ideological standard of the leaders and the ranks of the CPSU.

Of the two dangers, revisionism and dogmatism, the former today constitutes a bigger threat to the world communist movement. The present attempt to forge Unity in the international communist movement should start from a common conception of and common approach to the kind of threat posed by revisionism. There is twin attack on the communist movement - by revisionism from within, which is but infiltration of bourgeois ideology in the movement, and by imperialism from without which is engaged in its machinations in collusion with revisionism. The fire of the movement has, therefore, to be concentrated on both these enemies, revisionism and imperialism.

2. - The SUCI holds that Stalin is an exemplary character, his position in the world communist movement is that of a giant leader, teacher and guide. We hold that Stalin's understanding of Leninism is the correct understanding of Marxism-Leninism, which means, without maligning Stalin it is impossible to uncrown Lenin and Leninism. This is the reason why the renegade Khrushchev clique made 5talin its target of venomous attack. At the same time it underscores the importance of correctly evaluating Stalin, short of which no fruitful united movement of the communists can be built up.

3. The SUCI considers Mao Zedong a leading Marxist authority. But it would be wrong to assert that Mao Zedong Thought is the Marxism-Leninism of this era, since it is tantamount to accepting Mao's Thought as Maoism. When we characterize Lenin's Thought as Leninism we do so not because Lenin was the first to make socialist revolution successful by applying Marxism, nor because he had developed, concretised and enriched Marxism in the course of applying it in the concrete condition of Russia. Lenin's Thought is called Leninism because it is more than elaboration of Marxism. Lenin concretised and added new theses to the treasurehouse of the Marxist knowledge, to the fundamentals of Marxism in the spheres of economics, politics and philosophy.- theses which all are new additions, that is, which were not there earlier in the understanding or concept of Marxism, and which Lenin formulated in the period after Marx and Engels, in the "era of imperialism and proletarian revolution". We hold that the present era is the same era of "imperialism and proletarian revolution" and that proletarian revolution is the main trend today.

4. The Cultural Revolution of China, initiated and guided by Mao Zedong, was, in the considered opinion of our party, a "magnificent" event. It correctly reflected the Chinese reality in the given situation. Communists all over the world who are dedicated to the revolutionary cause have a great deal to.learn from it. While acknowledging the revolutionary significance of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of China, our party has not overlooked certain weaknesses in it. We had observed that if these weaknesses were not overcome in time the danger of reappearance of revisionism in China could not be ruled out.

5. We did not agree with the CPC's analysis at its 9th Congress that the Soviet state had already degenerated into a "dark fascist state of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie" and that it had turned into "social imperialism " or "social fascism". We argued that before concluding so it ought to have been ascertained beyond doubt whether the fundamental character of the state as well as the motive force of production and production relation had retrogressed qualitatively. Because, every change comes in a process. The usurpation of the leadership of the party and the state by the revisionists surely signalled the start of sliding downwards. But until and unless a nodal or qualitative change backwards took place in regard to the motive force of production and production relation in the course of that slide, it would be patently wrong to conclude that the state has ceased to be a socialist state or that restoration of capitalism had taken place.

Difference is also there in respect of an earlier formulation of the CPC that the resurgent nationalist countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, now generally called third world countries all belonged t6 the stage of anti-feudal, anti-imperialist people's democratic revolution as a necessary step towards socialism. We could not agree to this proposition. Because, in the first place, it denies the all important task of making a concrete analysis of a concrete situation, which is a basic tenet and also the essence of Marxism. Secondly, although India is an  Asian country and is generally considered a third world country, we firmly hold that the Indian revolution decidedly belongs to the stage of anti-capitalist socialist revolution.

6. In the present international situation there remains still now four socialist states, namely China, Vietnam, North Korea and Cuba. After counter-revolution in the former Soviet Union and the east European socialist states one could expect socialist China to fill in the void. But from China under the revisionist leadership of Deng Xiaoping it would be wrong to expect that. We regret to add that these socialist countries are not taking initiative to unite, nor to build communist unity and forge an anti-imperialist front. The present Deng Xiaoping leadership of the CPC has not fully denounced the cultural revolution but has introduced "socialist market economy", using the catchword of "socialism with Chinese characteristic", which is but strictly a feature of capitalist economy with a socialist label.

In the political sphere, contrary to the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and the thoughts of Mao Zedong, the present leadership of China is dishing out all revisionist trash to reject the principles of 'politics in command', 'class struggle is the key link'and 'continuing class struggle in the period of dictatorship of the proletariat'.

In spite of all these aberrations and deviations, the class character of the state as well as relations and motive force of production in China is in the main socialist.

7. In the changed international situation the contradictions between the two systems, socialist and capitalist, between labour and capital in the capitalist-imperialist countries, and between imperialist countries themselves still exist as major contradictions capable of influencing the world events. Besides, the dismantling of socialism in a number of states, particularly in the Soviet Union, has immensely contributed to accentuating the contradiction between tile imperialist powers and the relatively underdeveloped capitalist countries.

But, with attainment of independence by most of the colonies and semi-colonies, the contradiction between the imperialist powers and the colonies can no longer play a major role as it used to play earlier. Nevertheless, colonial rule and exploitation by the imperialists continue still today. Naturally, these struggles of the peoples of these countries cannot but exercise considerable influence. in the world arena.

Summing up, the SUCI maintains that the balance of power has tilted today against the
forces of peace and socialism and that in the present international situation the danger of
outbreak of war is more real than the possibility of preservation of peace. This nullifies our
previous analysis in the previous different international situation that "the possibility of preservation of peace and the danger of outbreakof war are equally real." The US machinations one after another against a number of states are indication of not only the growing menace of US overlordism but as well of the increasing threat of war.

In this situation it is all the more imperative and urgent to develop a worldwide militant peace movement, making it conducive to the emancipation struggles of people everywhere and to draw all well-meaning and peace-loving people on the broadest possible platform with the communists to act as its core.

8. The world capitalist system is in the grip of a severe crisis, unprecedented in scale, which is haunting even the most developed capitalist countries. The recapture of vast areas of lost territories of capitalism-imperialism as a result of counter-revolution in the USSR and the east European socialist states has not turned out to be the real recovery from its miserable crisis. The GATT and the WTO, with attendant liberalisation programmes, currently the highest on the capitalist-imperialist agenda to create a breathing space from the suffocation of the overpowering crisis, have started showing signs of being illusory, and discord has begun to surface.At this moribund stage, capitalism has no escape from its ever-deepening crisis.

The advancement in science and especially in technology in recent years has provoked the  so-called 'new thinking' in the bourgeois ideologues and modern revisionists who argue that the spectacular development of technology at this stage of capitalism cannot be explained by Marxism and goes contrary to it. They go so far as to suggest that the spectacular development of technology has altogether changed the fabric of human society, making obsolete the Marxist idea on class correlationship as well as the very concept of class struggle and revolution. Objective reality, however; stands independenfly of the blurred vision of these dazzled people.It speaks differently.

Marxist political economy holds that since production is organized in capitalism, whether under individual ownership or under state ownership, with the sole motive of profit maximization, all-out  and unhindered development of science and technology at this morbid stage of capitalism is not possible. And it is because of capitalism that the relative advancement of science and techhology, instead of serving as the basis for mankind's freedom from wage slavery, increasingly causes the working people to go jobless, poorer and ultimately become destitute. In fact the technological advancement of today calls for organizing the power of the proletariat and all oppressed sections of people to replace the present capitalist relations of production by socialist relations of production, a system based on social ownership over all means of production.

9. However weakened the proletarian revolutionary movement may be at present, capitalism cannot rid itself of its insoluble crisis. Historically, it has become moribund and its doom is inevitable. The more the bourgeoisie feel it instinctively, the more they go desperate to create confusion, spread canards, and mount brutal attacks on people's movements. But no amount of confusion or repression can ultimately halt the onward march of the proletariat. Already, there are signs that the present aberrations and confusion will be overcome. In Russia itself large numbers of people are coming out on streets carrying the red banner and portraits of Lenin and Stalin. It means, the anti-thesis of restored capitalism has started asserting itself in whatsoever form it can in the present situation.

Building Communist Unity

It is possible that we may not all agree to accept these as constituting the premise or may not agree to other formulations by other parties. But since our struggle is to seek the right and reject the wrong, we cannot agree to anyhow patch up our differences in the name of achieving unity. The correct course is, first, to try to understand, shedding bias, each other's point of view as also the role each party plays in its country. It requires a thorough exchange of opinion and experience among all the parties. Doubtless, it will take time to sort out the ideological differences. Taking a middle course will only defeat the purpose. At the same time there is no question of thrusting a particular view on others. Every party, big or small, shall enjoy equal riqht and respect, which is an essential condition for a healthy and congenial atmosphere to be maintained for all ideological discussions and for reaching the correct conclusions. In the present historical stage, where communist parties of different countries have separate existence, differences are most likely to crop up between them over approach to different world issues because of the differences in experience of the different communist parties gained in the course of their revolutionary struggles in their respective national spheres. There is nothing to be perturbed over it.

    But communist unity can only be taken to mean unity of genuine communists and NOT unity of all and sundry going by the name of communists. It entails that we rely not really on a significant representation of Marxist-Leninist trends, but truly on a common Marxist-Leninist concept and avoid short-cut to patch works. This is the only correct concept of communist unity. In the course of ideological struggle among us we should be able to locate where all of us agree wholeheartedly. We should start uniting over the points of agreement, leaving the points of difference open and to be sorted out in the same process of perseverant and protraded ideological struggle. Meanwhile, it shall be our task to render all help, moral and material, to the class and mass struggles in the different countries to the best of our ability. It should be incumbent upon us to mobilise people's opinion in our respective countries in favour of these movements. This will help us know each other and understand our respective role more deeply. And then we shall be able to stand as one man to fulfil our commitment to carrying forward the anti-imperialist struggle in different countries against the designs of capitalism-imperialism-fascism. This is the scientific and only correct path to overcome the ideological differences on the principle of unity-struggle-unity.

Given singleness of purpose and openness of mind and also keeping in view the imperativen , ess; of cpmimunist unity at this historic juncture, we expect this seminar to go a long way towards aichieving unity of the international communist movement and the goal of world revolution.

FOR THE ARTICLE THIS APPENDIX IS ATTACHED TO: GO TO:
ALLIANCE 19

---


 
for OTHER ALLIANCE pages:
GO TO SUBJECT INDEX
GO TO CATALOGUE
GO TO "WHAT'S NEW PAGE";
GO TO HOME PAGE ALLIANCE