ALLIANCE 52
AS THE CLOUDS GATHER
Turkey and Kurdistan on the
Eve of the US-led War on Iraq
By Garbis Altinoglu
Written, 23-28 February 2003; published by Alliance
March 19, 2003
Being the First part of Alliance 52.
Note an abbreviated version of this article is in "Alliance!"
Monthly Issue 3; March 2003
As the US aggression against Iraq approaches,
the role of Turkey in this equation draws more and more attention. Right
from the start, Turkey has been an eager partner of US imperialists in
their bid to redesign the map of the Middle East, especially during the
post-11 September era. In fact, the whole recent history of Turkish ruling
classes has prepared them just for such a role. A participant in the Korean
war of 1950-53, a member of the NATO since 1952, a despicable tool of imperialist
West during the Cold War era, a long standing ally of the US and Israel
in the Middle East, an ally of US-supported Pahlavi monarchy in Iran until
its overthrow in 1979, host to tens of US and NATO military bases, an agent
of US influence in the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia after the
fall of social-imperialist Soviet Union and an ardent assistant of US aggressors
in Afghanistan, Turkey has always been touted as a model for the Muslim
world by its bosses in Washington. Especially since the beginning of the
1980s, the latter have perceived and indeed tried to shape Turkey as
a country with the ability to pull Muslims away from radical, that
is –subjectively or objectively- anti-imperialist Islamic, or "anti-Western"
movements and tried to cover their aggression against Islamic peoples with
a veil of legitimacy with the presence of Muslim Turkey. (This was the
case in Afghanistan and it shall be the case in Iraq and further.) That
is why, they have systematically tried to peddle the reactionary militaristic
Turkey as "a secular democracy", which, allegedly has "successfully united
the values of Islam with those of Western civilization".
The former US President Bill Clinton made
the official line of the US establishment vis-a-vis the brutal dictatorial
regime clear when he praised Turkish fascists in November 1999:
"What we do together will help to determine whether peace takes
hold in the Middle East, whether tolerance takes root in the Balkans, whether
young democracies succeed in the Caucasus. The way we do business together
will help to determine whether our people have the jobs and reliable sources
of energy necessary well into the new century. What we have stood for together,
most recently in Kosovo, will help to decide whether the coming century
is marked by democracy, rooted in our common humanity, or by tyranny feeding
off hatred."
Speaking in Washington D. C. on March 13, 2002, Paul
Wolfowitz, US Deputy Secretary of "Defense" and one of the brains
behind the present American policy, reiterated Clinton’s assessments. Dubbing
Turkey "a truly indispensable nation" and praising her "indispensable partnership
with the US, which has become even more important in the wake of the crisis
that has gripped the world since September 11th", he said:
"Today, Turkey’s strategic role in the world continues to challenge
it with many contending forces. It is perhaps a misfortune to be strategically
located, but it is our good fortune that Turkey occupies the strategic
location that it does. Turkey is central to building peace from Southeastern
Europe to the Middle East and eastward to the Caucasus and Central Asia.
Turkey is key to fashioning a Europe that is undivided, democratic and
at peace. And Turkey is crucial to bridging the dangerous gap between the
West and the Muslim world."
Turkish reactionaries had supported the US during the
Gulf War of 1991. When the war had come, they had closed the border with
Iraq, one of Turkey’s largest trading partners. They also had closed the
Kirkuk-Jeyhan oil pipeline and deployed close to 150,000 troops on the
Iraqi border. They had stopped short of invading Northern Iraq (Southern
Kurdistan) and seizing part of it, due to various political and military
risks it involved. However, after the war, they had allowed US and British
warplanes based at the important Injirlik air base in Southern Turkey to
monitor the "no-fly zone" in Northern Iraq and to bomb Iraqi military and
civilian targets, which has been going on ever since.
From a political, financial and moral perspective,
Turkish ruling classes paid a high price, as a result of the support they
provided to the US during the Gulf War of 1991 and afterwards. However,
they don’t appear to have learned anything from that experience. So, despite
continuing vacillations and hesitations they exhibit, thanks to their multi-faceted
dependence upon the US and the tremendous amount of pressure the latter
has been exerting upon them, they usually have preferred to walk in the
footsteps of the US, the UK and Israel.
The AKP (Justice and Development Party)
and the Military
Turkey’s subjugation to US imperialism and Israeli Zionism
was further strengthened in 1996, when several agreements were signed between
Turkey and Israel and a Turkish-Israeli-Jordanian alliance had begun to
emerge, with the encouragement of the most reactionary circles in Washington.
(This happened during the reign of a coalition government, the senior partner
of which was Nejmeddin Erbakan’s Welfare Party,
the forerunner of the AKP. But the real motive force behind this alliance
was the General Staff.) This is another reason why, Turkish reactionaries,
whose hands are stained with the blood of millions of Armenian, Greek,
Kurdish, Arabic and Turkish workers, peasants and intellectuals, are getting
prepared to join the massacre of Iraqi people led by American neo-fascists,
despite the political, economic and military risks involved. They will
join the fray, if they can, despite the opposition of more than 90 percent
of the population and the Islamic pretensions of the AKP, which formed
the government in the wake of the elections held in last November.
Representing mainly the interests of emerging Islamic
middle and big bourgeoisie, the AKP seems to have put itself into a corner
as a result of its efforts to appease the Turkish military and US imperialists
and to present itself as "patriotic" as the most reactionary sections of
the ruling class. Gone and forgotten are the days, when Rejep
Tayyip Erdogan, the leader of the AKP, underhandedly challenged
the General Staff and recited a poem that included the verses,
"Minarets are our bayonets, domes are our helmets, mosques are our
barracks, believers are our soldiers."
So, in contrast with the views and feelings of those
comprising its own power base and also those of the great majority of the
masses of people, the AKP has gradually dropped its pre-election promises
and positions; it does not speak of extending democratic freedoms and does
not challenge the IMF and World Bank anymore, nor does it take issue with
the uncompromising stance of the General Staff on the Kurdish question
and the question of Northern Cyprus. The coming war on Iraq has overshadowed
and taken precedence over all other issues and is inexorably bringing the
generals once more to the forefront, who usually prefer to manipulate the
affairs of the state from behind the scenes. It is an open secret that
the reins of power are still in the hands of the Turkish military, allied
with pro-US and pro-European big capital, notwithstanding the composition
of the parliament or the government. And these forces, reliable allies
and/or stooges of US imperialists and Israeli Zionists are more than ready
for a war of aggression on Iraq and other Islamic countries and peoples,
so long as their concerns are addressed, their fears are alleviated and
the right price is paid for their despicable services. Of course, that
will happen, if the anti-imperialist resistance of the masses is not strong
enough to expose and restrain them.
The efforts of the AKP government to appease the
US and the Turkish military, however, bodes ill for these bourgeois Islamists.
Furthermore, such an orientation might prove nothing less than suicidal
for this "moderate", that is, pro-Western Islamist party. The position
of the government, which is forced to handle a most unpopular war of aggression
against a Muslim country, is made even more difficult due to the fact that,
Turkey is still smarting from an economic crisis of December 2000. The
economy is in shambles and in 2003 Turkey has to pay back around 73 billion
US dollars in debts and services. The coming war and its financial burden
shall make things much worse, especially for the already impoverished masses,
who have carried the AKP to power; in doing so, they had hoped the AKP
to bring improvements in their daily lives, to curb the power of the military
and extend democratic freedoms, including those of Kurdish people. But,
the first 100 and so days of the AKP government have left them frustrated
and has dashed their hopes. This is so, simply because under the present
circumstances characterized not only by sharp contradictions between the
bourgeoise and the working class internally and imperialism headed by the
US and the peoples of the world internationally, but also by a Gordian
knot of secondary issues still more aggravated due to the atmosphere of
imperialist war, no bourgeois party or force in Turkey can undertake even
moderate reforms, let alone carry out radical improvements in the livelihood
of the masses.
The Iraqi crisis has impelled the ruling classes
in general and the AKP government in particular, to intensify their demagoguery
for the purpose of deceiving the masses as well. An important part of the
bourgeois mass media has also joined the fray and strived to switch public
opinion in favor of war on Iraq. Though preferring to keep mum, Turkish
General Staff has, in an under-handed manner, tried to counter the opposition
to this unjust war and for this purpose has exhorted several retired generals
and other officers to appear on TV programs and "illuminate" the public
about the war aims of the US.
Though big capital and the General Staff are for
going along with the Pentagon, despite some serious reservations, they
cunningly try to shift the responsibility of deciding for participation
in this very unpopular war away from themselves and put it on the shoulders
of the AKP government and the AKP-dominated parliament. They will let the
AKP make the necessary explanations and face the widespread wrath of the
public. The generals, who are in the habit of making their views known
on relatively unimportant subjects, are eerily quiet on the extremely topical
and important question of war; they are keeping a very low profile and
appear to be making preparations to deny any responsibility, if and when
the going gets tough. And it will get tough, since Turkey is in a lose-lose
situation. Notwithstanding the level of Turkish complicity in this criminal
war, it is highly likely that the bloc of big capital and Turkish military
shall also strive to utilize the results of this adventure to oust the
AKP government, to still further weaken the bourgeois strata associated
with it and discredit not only the AKP, but all shades of political Islam
in Turkey as well.
The identification of Islam with "terrorism" in the
aftermath of the events of 11 September, has coincided with and appears
to be closely fitting the class needs of Turkish generals and big capital.
Under the guise of defense of secularism and modernism, the military has
been waging a long drawn-out and decades-long battle against the Islamic
bourgeoisie and trying to silence and crush the discontent of the masses.
The present crusade of US finance capital against Muslim peoples and their
anti-imperialist or anti-American vanguards, has presented Turkish generals
with an opportunity to portray their fight to contain political Islam,
including the AKP, as part of the world-wide struggle against "Islamic
terrorism." But, the AKP is the last, the most "moderate" and pro-Western
representative of the line of Islamic parties and has taken very great
care not to antagonize the military and not to provoke its Kemalist and
secularist prejudices. It definitely is on better terms with imperialism
in general and US imperialism in particular and if the American adventure
goes well, its leaders might expect a few crumbs thrown at them from the
imperialist banquet table. Whatever the shape of things to come in the
near future vis-a-vis the push towards war on Iraq and further, an even
worse fate might be expecting the AKP upstarts than their predecessors
–more traditional Islamic parties, such as Welfare
Party and Virtue Party led by Nejmeddin
Erbakan- and they deserve it in full.
For several weeks, Turkey and the US have been conducting
a great amount of mostly behind the scenes and totally dishonest negotiations
over the important details of a US-led aggression on Iraq. Cringing before
the "awesome power" of the US, anxious to take part in the victors’ camp,
even as a third-rate servant of Washington and very much concerned over
the prospect of the formation of a Kurdish state in Northern Iraq, the
main body of Turkish ruling classes are convinced of the rapid conclusion
of an American aggression against Iraq. They are also afraid of possible
American retaliation on several fronts (questions of Northern Cyprus and
Northern Iraq, economic pressure through the IMF etc.) in case they do
not cooperate with the world’s policeman. So, despite their own reservations
and hesitations as to the potential "negative repercussions" of such an
aggression, including those, which will emanate from a semi-permanent presence
of US forces in the region and in Turkey itself, they are planning to exploit
the present and future sufferings of the workers and toilers of the neighboring
countries.
Meantime, they have been striving to extort the greatest
amount of concessions from their American overlords by stalling or slowing
down negotiations, reopening various matters, raising objections and referring
to their domestic difficulties etc. Washington is said to be offering Ankara
an economic aid package worth 26 billion US dollars -a 6 billion dollar
part in grants and the remaining part in loans- to compensate for the losses
that would be incurred in any war with Iraq. But Turkish reactionaries,
who argue that the 1991 Gulf War cost their economy some 40 billion US
dollars and they have not been compensated last time, are asking for more
and more money. They are also demanding written guarantees from the US
Congress that, unlike what happened 12 years ago, Washington will honor
its promises. However, having attached themselves too closely to US imperialists
and under the yoke of their reactionary prejudices and their fear of workers
and toilers, including the Kurdish people, they do not have much room to
maneuver and therefore very little leverage over the US.
In its bid to maximize its gains, the Ankara regime
is trying to utilize the overwhelming, though, at the moment mostly not
very active and not very vocal anti-imperialist sentiments of the people,
growing reluctance of AKP deputies, who, themselves are under mounting
pressure from their own constituencies and the general public and probably
the objections of the officers from the middle echelons of the armed forces,
who are concerned over the stationing of US troops in Turkey. Turkish fascists
have also taken heart from the growing opposition of France, Germany and
Russia and even from the massive anti-war demonstrations of 15-16 February
and therefore have been demanding a higher price for their servility. These
factors, along with the abovementioned concerns and reservations of the
ruling classes are the real reasons behind their stalling tactics and vacillations.
Meantime, Turkish generals and bureaucrats and their American counterparts
seem to be on the eve of finalizing the various details of their military
cooperation after long and secret discussions. And American military ships
have begun to unload their deadly cargo and personnel, without even bothering
to wait for the outcome of the discussions at the UN or a decision of the
Turkish parliament, although Article 92 of the
Turkish Constitution expressly forbids any move to allow foreign
troops in Turkey in the absence of international legitimacy in the form
of a UN resolution.
Though, they do not admit it frankly, the American
neo-fascists badly need Turkish facilities and very much prefer to open
a second front to attack Iraq. Otherwise, their casualties will be greater
and it will be much more difficult to reach Kirkuk oilfields, one of the
main targets of the coming US invasion. In an interview with Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty, Anthony Cordesman,
a former senior official at the US State and Defense departments and one
of the top military analysts of the US, grudgingly conceded this state
of affairs and said:
"We really have no access to the [Persian] Gulf except through Kuwait.
It would put all of our advance on one line of advance; it would greatly
complicate the logistic problems; it would complicate the supply problems
and make our line of advance far more predictable. There would be the difficulty
that Iraq would be able to predict the lines of advance and that it would
be relatively secure in the north."
[Note: US imperialists
would like to open a northern front against Iraq to take the heat off a
primary invasion from the Persian Gulf area. But there are other and more
compelling reasons behind Washington's insistence on sending troops into
Iraq from the north. This mainly relates to Kirkuk oil fields. These oilfields,
which are one of the major objectives of American aggression are closer
to Turkish-Iraqi border, than the Persian Gulf area. To reach those fields
from the north, with the active support of Kurdish fighters and that of
the Turkish military, would be much easier.]
On February 6th, at one of its closed sessions, the
AKP-dominated parliament passed a resolution, permitting the US to modernize
and/ or utilize several military bases, airfields and harbors in Turkey,
including Mersin and Iskenderun seaports, Injirlik and Batman bases, the
Sabiha Gokjen, Chorlu and Afyon airfelds etc. for the deployment and transportation
of equipment, personnel and arms.
On February 10th, the Turkish fascists, very probably
after they were exhorted by their American overlords, officially demanded
NATO protection from a possible attack by Iraq and by doing so contributed
to the sharpening of already emerging rift between the two sides of the
Atlantic. In doing so, they also gave some credence to Bush clique’s ludicrous
assertions about Iraq posing a threat to its neighbors. So, they proved
themselves to be a fig leaf covering the nakedness of American aggression
and exposed themselves as political prostitutes of the basest order and
poured oil on the flames of war. The hypocrisy and duplicity of Turkish
reactionaries, possessing one of the biggest armies of the world, know
no limits whatsoever. Iraq’s economy and military capabilities have already
been crippled through two wars (the 1980-88 war against Iran and the Gulf
war of 1991), 12 year-long economic sanctions and UN Security Council restrictions
and inspections. So, one can imagine the absurdity of the position of the
Turkey, whose rulers were not ashamed of seeking NATO protection from an
attack by Iraq; from a country, which is largely isolated and is about
to be attacked by the US and Britain. This Orwellian approach betrays the
extremely reactionary nature and gangster mentality of Turkish ruling classes
and the military and their American masters.
After the 15-16 February worldwide peace protests,
Rejep Tayyip Erdogan was forced to
make a volte-face. Meantime, tension was building up in the country over
the issue of US aggression against Iraq and the complicity of Turkish reactionaries.
Last weeks and months have witnessed the growth of anti-war sentiment among
the masses and dozens of initiatives, actions and demonstrations against
both US aggression and Turkish complicity in this crime. In a speech on
18 February, Erdogan alleged that the permission given by the parliament
for the renovation and modernization of several Turkish ports and bases
did not mean an automatic endorsement of Turkish participation in war!
On February 18, the Turkish President Ahmet
Necdet Sezer said that any large-scale US military buildup within
Turkey's borders is conditional on passage of a second UN Security Council
resolution authorizing the use of force against Iraq. This could be interpreted
as and was in fact a timid and hesitant opposition to the warmongers both
in the military and the AKP government.
On February 24th, amid increasing concern and tension both in the ranks
of the ruling classes, among the people and in the country as a whole,
the AKP government prepared a bill authorizing the presence of 62,000 US
troops, 65 helicopters and 255 warplanes in Turkey for six months.
On February 26th, Turkey recalled its ambassador
to Iraq and closed the border between the two countries. Meantime, endless
behind the scenes negotiations continue between two sides on several details
of this dirty operation, during which the Americans did not budge from
their positions and gave very little concessions and political assurances
to their Turkish vassals. This, however, did not preclude US imperialists
from landing undisclosed amount of weapons, vehicles and military personnel
in Turkey although no official decision has yet been taken by the Turkish
parliament with respect to the deployment of US troops. In fact, for quite
a long time, units of US Special Forces and CIA agents have already been
in Northern Iraq and operate there together with both Turkish troops and
pro-US armed Kurdish groups (of Barzani and Talabani). What is more, recently,
they have begun to be joined by thousands of Iraqi Kurds trained in Guam
for the last couple of years.
* * * * *
If all goes well for the imperialist warmongers and
their lackeys and the parliament approves the bill, this will be the first
instance Turkey will be hosting so many troops on its soil since the defunct
Ottoman Empire had hosted German troops during the First World War, without
even bothering to discuss and decide the matter in a formal cabinet meeting.
Last time, this adventure had accelerated the breakup of the decaying empire
and led to a slaughter and genocide of millions of Christian and Muslim
peoples of Anatolia and Mesopotamia. One other result of this war was the
partition of the Asian possessions of the Ottoman Empire between Britain
and France and the emergence of the rough outlines of the present-day map
of the Middle East. It’s highly likely that the present Turkish state might
meet a fate similar to that of its predecessor, though not in the immediate
future, if it insists on allying itself with the axis of evil comprising
the US, Britain and Israel.
While carrying on this bloody and dirty business, the Turkish reactionaries,
especially the AKP leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan
and Prime Minister Abdullah Gul have
been trying to hoodwink the public by swearing times and again over their
allegedly peaceful intentions towards Iraq. If you listen to them, you
might be tempted to believe that they are against
a war on Iraq, are very much concerned about the welfare and security of
Iraqi people, will deploy Turkish troops in Northern Iraq only to provide
humanitarian assistance to Kurdish people! They may even hint about their
alleged resistance against intense pressure and "unreasonable demands"
of the US!
In fact, all along they have been striving to fetch
a relatively high price in return for their mercenary services to the Pentagon.
They want to exact cash and other concessions for assisting Yankee imperialists
to commit wholesale murder and massacre tens of thousands of Iraqi children,
women, men and the elderly. According to press reports and official statements,
two sides have been wrangling over various questions, such as the size
of economic (and military) aid to Turkey, the number of Turkish troops
to be deployed in Northern Iraq and the extent of territory they would
control, coordination between American, Turkish and Kurdish troops (of
Barzani and Talabani cliques), the status of Kurds and that of the Turkomans
in a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, so-called
Turkish concerns about the security of Turkoman minority, Turkish claims
on Iraqi oil dating back to the fall of the Ottoman Empire, nature of the
state apparatus in Iraq after the war, number of US troops to be deployed
in Turkey, number of Turkish bases and ports to be utilized by the US and
even the presence of a Turkish representative in the post-Saddam Hussein
transitional government etc.
The Kurdish Question and Turkish Ambitions
Nevertheless, grossly exaggerated Turkish concerns over
"security", that is the Kurdish question remains at the core of these negotiations.
Turkish reactionaries have been and are loath to see the emergence of a
Kurdish state in Northern Iraq. Turkey, one of the most militarized states
in the world, had waged a 15 year-long dirty war against the Kurdish people
led by the PKK ("Workers’ Party of Kurdistan")
in Turkish (or Northern) Kurdistan, between 1984 and 1999. After the capture
of A. Ocalan, the PKK chief in February
1999, with the assistance of the CIA, Kurdish resistance came to an end.
However, it is important to bear in mind that, the Turkish army, which
had the full support the US and qualified support of Western Europe, had
not been able to defeat and rout the 15,000-strong guerilla force militarily,
despite its conduct of massacres, torture etc. on a massive scale. The
war craze of theYankee imperialists and their plans to redesigns the map
of the Middle East have both raised the spirits of and alarmed Turkish
ruling classes, who are very much afraid of the prospect of the revival
of Kurdish national liberation war within Turkey and that of the united
struggle of Kurdish people in Turkey and Iraq, as well as the that of Turkish
workers and toilers. In October 2002, Gen. Hüseyin
Kivrikoglu, the Turkish Chief of Staff was already warning the
US:
"We cannot know what the US thinks about the current situation in Iraq.
But we cannot accept the de facto establishment of a Kurdish state in any
case."
Now, in the course of an American led aggression against
the peoples of Iraq and the region, the PKK (called KADEK
as of January 2002) is being compelled to change its approach vis-a-vis
the US and Turkey. Since 1999, the PKK/KADEK
had been following an openly capitulationist line; it was striving either
for a so-called democratic compromise with Turkish reactionaries in return
for a few crumbs or was instead offering its services to the US in realizing
its plans of invasion and domination of Iraq. In return, KADEK leadership
expected and expects very little: to be in Washington’s good graces and
to receive some minor concessions for Iraqi and Turkish Kurds. Not only
Turkey, but the US as well, seems to have rejected the overtures of the
KADEK, despite the fact that, it has stopped armed struggle since 1999,
withdrawn its guerillas from Turkish soil and remained mainly in Northern
Iraq. After that of the PKK, US imperialists did not hesitate to add the
name of the KADEK to their so-called list of terrorist organizations. Due
to different reasons, American neo-fascists have rejected the overtures
of the KADEK and favored reactionary Kurdish groups (Democratic
Party of Kurdistan led by Barzani
and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan
led by Talabani) in their dealings.
They also seem to be prepared to to give the green light to Turkish reactionaries
to go ahead in their campaign against KADEK.
Unable to find any more room to maneuver, the KADEK
has, since January 2003, begun issuing warnings to the effect that it could
restart a legitimate struggle against Turkey, which would include armed
struggle. Such warnings, however, seem of dubious value; especially in
view of the level of degeneration of the KADEK leadership and its non-committal
stand with respect to the American imperialist crusade against Iraq. On
the other hand, from the experience of past four years, the Turkish military
is aware of the fact that such threats are not worth the paper they are
written on. They are almost accustomed to the declaration of such warnings,
which in reality are issued only to calm the anger of Kurdish militants
and fighters.
It is interesting, but not surprising to observe
that the KADEK has never condemned US plans for aggression against the
peoples of the Middle East in general and Iraqi people in particular and
has concentrated its accusations on Turkey and to a certain extent on Iran
and Syria. The KADEK and its legal extensions have also taken great care
not to get involved in anti-war actions and demonstrations in Turkey and
Northern Kurdistan as far as possible. For instance, neither in Turkey-Northern
Kurdistan, nor in Western Europe did the KADEK and its legal organizations
participate in the world-wide protest actions of 15 February against the
US. This time round, however, the shape of things might not be the same;
taking advantage of the circumstances of war against Iraq, Turkish authorities
might try to finish off the potential threat from the armed formations
of the KADEK. Recently, they admitted the presence of thousands of Turkish
troops inside Iraq, which they plan to support by a further 120,000 massed
on the Turkish-Iraqi border. It seems that, while the eyes of the world
will be fixed on the American war against Iraq, Turkish army shall try
to gain its prize: destruction of the KADEK guerilla force in Northern
Iraq, which incidentally may not be an easy task.
It is obvious that US imperialists have been deftly
playing on the almost irrational fear of their Turkish vassals with respect
to the Kurdish question and utilizing this fear to ensure Ankara’s participation
in the war against Iraq.
[Note: *US imperialists are also playing on the obsession
of Turkish reactionaries in keeping Northern Cyprus under their control,
via the puppet Turkish Cypriot state, where they have 35,000 troops to
"protect" 100,000 Turkish Cypriots. The Republic of Cyprus, populated by
Greek Cypriots is posed to join the European Union soon and the decades-long
negotiations, including the last one, initiated by the Secretary-General
of the UN are stalled, mainly due to the behind the scenes manipulations
of Turkish fascists. It is in their interests, since they view Northern
Cyprus, as simply a pawn in their geostrategic calculations. In fact, Gen.
Hilmi Özkök, the Turkish Chief of State reiterated the determination
of the ruling class to keep Northern Cyprus under Turkish domination, when
during a press conference on 8 January, he stated that the illegal Northern
Cyprus was essential for the security of Turkey.
"A solution to the Cyprus solution, which shall threaten
the security of Turkey and shall not meet this need, shall more or less
complement the process of confinement of Turks in Anatolia."]
The Turkish reactionaries are very much afraid, not
only over the prospect of the establishment of a Kurdish state in Northern
Iraq, but also over the prospect of the revival of a Kurdish guerilla war
in Turkey. In the aftermath of the Gulf War of 1991, the so-called power
vacuum in Northern Iraq had helped the PKK to grow rapidly, acquire heavy
weapons and begin to pose a real threat to Turkish fascists. The latter
are still haunted by the recollections of the post-1991 era, when Kurdish
national liberation struggle experienced an upsurge. What is more, under
the explosive conditions prevailing in Turkey at present, such a revival
might provide an aperture through which the accumulated discontent of workers
and toilers in Turkey proper can be translated into mass action. That’s
why, especially the Turkish military has been very much opposed to any
moves towards the establishment of a Kurdish state and even any semblance
of Kurdish autonomy in Northern Iraq; it also has been suspicious of arming
of the Kurdish fighters of Barzani and Talabani factions by the US and
been insistent on their disarmament at the end of the war against the Baghdad
regime, under Turkish supervision. As expected, this approach is furiously
contested and rejected by the Kurdish people and factions.
Turkish preparations to deploy an even greater number
of troops in Northern Iraq and stay there for an unspecified period of
time, on the other hand, have infuriated the Kurdish factions, who will
not accept to lose the virtual autonomy they have enjoyed over the last
12 years. Kurdish factions have declared themselves in favor of "a united
federal democratic Iraq" and been raising their voices over Turkey’s expansionist
plans. On February 22nd, Osman Ocalan,
a member of the Presidential Councilone of the KADEK, criticized the other
Kurdish factions for their hostile attitude towards the KADEK and called
for "national unity" in the face of the aggressive plans of Turkey. On
February 24th, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s deputy Prime Minister
Sami Abdul Rahman stated that there
were "disturbing" signs emerging from talks between the US and Turkey over
the latter’s exact role in a US-led war, with Turkey pushing for a key
role in Iraqi Kurdistan. Rahman added:
"We feel less threat from the regime of Baghdad than from the current
threat of Turkish occupation. Saddam has killed many of our people. He
can kill more Kurds ... but this Turkish occupation, if it happens and
I hope it will never happen, is aimed at strangling the hopes and aspirations
of our people. Turkey is responsible for killing more than 100,000 Kurds
in its bloody war with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). More than 5000
Kurdish villages have been destroyed by Turkey in North Kurdistan (Turkish
Kurdistan)."
On February 25th, the Kurdish parliament in Northern
Iraq held an extraordinary session after the Turkish cabinet approved a
bill that would allow the stationing of foreign troops in Turkey and deployment
of Turkish troops abroad; correctly interpreting this move as a justification
of Turkish occupation of their land, the Kurdish parliament rejected the
entry of foreign forces into Northern Iraq by an overwhelming vote. The
same day Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani sent
a joint letter to the US, requesting protection from Turkish forces in
the region. Other, that is non-Kurdish groups taking part in the "Iraqi
opposition" too, have vehemently objected to and condemned the presence
of Turkish troops in the region.
The deep-seated and justified distrust of Kurdish
people in the Ankara regime and especially the tilting of the balance of
forces in the region in favor of US imperialists as a result of recent
developments, have emboldened Barzani and Talabani factions in their opposition
to Turkey. As expected, they seem to be planning to enjoy the fruits of
their cooperation with the Americans. Nevertheless, in view of their unstable,
inconsistent and constantly shifting positions and policies, Barzani and
Talabani factions remain open to cooperation with Turkish reactionaries.
Until very recently, there were reports to the effect that, these two parties
were once again cooperating with Turkish troops in Northern Iraq in their
efforts to fight against KADEK guerillas, as they have often done in the
past. Of course, US imperialists would not be expected to oppose a Turkish-led
campaign to wipe out KADEK guerillas, unless relations between Americans,
Turkish fascists and Kurdish groups, including the KADEK underwent a radical
change.
It should also be mentioned that the efforts of Turkish
fascists to bolster the position of small Turkoman minority as a counterweight
against Kurds, to insist on pressing the "Iraqi opposition" to accord the
Turkomans the same political status and government share as Arabs and Kurds
in a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq and their long-term plans to change the population
composition of Northern Iraq too, have contributed to the justified suspicions
of Kurdish people and factions. Turkish ruling classes have times and again
tried to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries on the pretext
of protecting the rights of Turkish or Turkic minorities.
[Note: A report published
in a pro-Kurdish daily, Ozgur Politika on January 18th, stated that,
Turkish reactionaries were encouraging the exodus of Kurds from Northern
Iraq first to Turkey and then to Western Europe. This practice is very
much in accord with the old tradition of Turkish reactionaries, who have
applied the same "principle" on Armenians, Greeks and and again on Kurds
throughout the 20th century. The report said:
"Making use of the intervention in Iraq, Turkey intensified
its efforts to evacuate Southern Kurdistan (Northern Iraq). Part of the
Southern asylum seekers are being brought into Turkey through Silopi (a
Turkish town on the border with Iraq-my note) by REO type military vehicles,
while others are being carried from Zaho (in Northern Iraq) to Amed (Diyarbakir)
by military vehicles. On the other hand, Turkey is changing the identity
cards of Kurds in return for money, to bolster the Turkoman population."]
As to US imperialists, after a long period of vacillations,
they seem to have taken into account the objections of Turkey and Saudi
Arabia and dropped their plans to reorganize Iraq as a loose federation,
where Kurdish population would have a great degree of autonomy. Patrick
Cockburn, a visiting fellow at the Centre for Strategic and
International Studies in Washington sent the following report from
Northern Iraq on February 17th:
"The US is abandoning plans to introduce democracy in Iraq after a
war to overthrow Saddam Hussein, according to Kurdish leaders who recently
met American officials.
"The Kurds say the decision resulted from pressure from US allies in
the Middle East who fear a war will lead to radical political change in
the region.
"The Kurdish leaders are enraged by an American plan to occupy Iraq
but largely retain the government in Baghdad. The only changes would be
the replacement of President Saddam and his lieutenants with senior US
military officers."
By pressing for an independent Kurdistan under their
"protection" US imperialists would risk not only alienating Turkish ruling
classes, but also would provoke Turkey, Syria and Iran, all with Kurdish
minorities inside their borders, to close their ranks. Such a move would
also risk alienating the wider Arab world and public opinion to an even
greater degree; dismemberment of Iraq would be adding insult to injury.
At the moment, the US seems to be keen on averting interference by other
regional powers, especially Turkey, Iran and Syria. A high level US official
stated that they were concerned about the "ability of people like the Iranians
and others to go in with money and create warlords" sympathetic to their
own interests. Allegedly expressing the opposition of the US to allow Iraq
to be divided into de facto spheres of interest, he added:
"We don’t want a weak federal government that plays into the hands
of regional powers... We don’t want the Iranians to be paying the Shiites,
the Turks the Turkmen, and the Saudis the Sunnis." Nevertheless, at least
in the short term, US imperialists will be holding "the Kurdish card" firmly
in their hands, to blackmail, intimidate and orientate the policies, especially
of Turkey and might reverse their policy of a "united Iraq" in the future
and might push for an "independent Kurdistan" if their and their Zionist
ally’s interests necessitate taking such a step.
It is true that, for decades the Kurdish people have
suffered a great deal as a result of the repressive policies of fascist
and reactionary regimes in Iraq, Turkey, Iran and Syria, as well as manipulations
and plots of imperialists, who in general have supported, armed and protected
such regimes. It is also absolutely true that, the Kurdish people is entitled
to have the same rights as other peoples of the region, including the right
to national self determination. The tragic historical experience of the
workers and toilers of the Middle East, as well as those of the whole world,
however, have times and again confirmed the hollowness and bankruptcy of
all bourgeois and imperialist "solutions" to the national question. It
has demonstrated the fact that, so long as workers and toilers follow their
reactionary leaderships and trust in imperialist powers, they will always
be left in the lurch, betrayed and suffer the consequences. Only through
the solidarity and alliance of workers and toilers of various nationalities
and the overthrow of imperialism and capitalism will the national oppression
of small nations and nationalities be ended; only through a democratic
and socialist revolution led by the party of the working class, will the
brotherhood of workers and toilers of different nationalities be established.
Stalin said:
"It scarcely needs proof that under the rule of capital, with private
ownership of the means of production and the existence of classes, equal
rights for nations cannot be guaranteed; that as long as the struggle for
the possession of the means of production goes on, there can be no equal
rights for nations, just as there can be no cooperation between the laboring
masses of the different nations. History tells us that the only way to
abolish national inequality, the only way to establish a regime of fraternal
cooperation between laboring masses of the oppressed and non-oppressed
nations, is to abolish capitalism and establish the Soviet system."
("Report on the Immediate Tasks of the Party in the National Question",
Works 5, Moscow, Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1953, p. 38)
And, that is a task that can be shouldered solely by
the working classes and their revolutionary vanguard parties. In the final
analysis, the road to genuine liberation of Kurdish people (as well as
of Palestinian and other peoples) lies in the unity of workers in each
country and the alliance of working classes and other toilers throughout
the region and the world. Only then, will it be possible to mobilize the
tremendous potential energy of the masses, to put an end to the divide
and rule game of US imperialists and its allies and lackeys and to deal
heavy blows at imperialism and capitalism and totally rout them.
The ideological servility of Turkish ruling classes
to imperialism, their comprador mentality and political myopia prevents
them from seeing the fact that, in endorsing the US-led aggression against
Iraq and possibly following them further on this road they are playing
with fire. Through allowing themselves to be blackmailed and cornered by
US imperialists, Turkish reactionaries have tied themselves not only to
the war chariot of the Pentagon, but also to that of Zionist Israel. By
acting in this manner, they have turned themselves into a simple pawn in
the American chess game for the domination of the Middle East, the consequences
of which they might regret in the future. Already, there is talk in Washington
and Jerusalem about the need to take on Syria, Iran, the Sudan and Somalia
right after the war on Iraq.
[ Note: On February
21st, Balochistan Post reported:
"US Undersecretary of State John Bolton has assured Israeli
officials on Monday that America will attack Iraq, and will also deal with
Syria, Iran and North Korea after occupying Baghdad.
"According to a report published by Israel’s leading
newspaper Haaretz, Bolton, who is undersecretary for arms control
and international security, is in Israel for meetings about preventing
the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
"In a meeting with Bolton on Monday, Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon said that Israel is concerned about the security threat
posed by Iran. It's important to deal with Iran even while American attention
is turned toward Iraq, Sharon said."]
Embarking on such a course, shall still further expose and
isolate Turkish reactionaries both in the world in general and the Islamic
world in particular. By assenting to the invasion and probable dismemberment
of Iraq (and maybe to that of Iran etc. in the future) Turkish reactionaries
are setting a very dangerous precedent. They may even be opening the way
for the invasion and dismemberment of their own land through another US
intervention or "peaceful" penetration. If the Washington neo-fascists
intend to conduct aggression against Iran, Syria or another country in
the Middle East in the wake of the coming war on Iraq, Turkey may be obliged
to follow suit and thereby confirm her infamous title as a base tool of
the imperialist West. This is no idle speculation. The Pentagon had originally
demanded the deployment of about 80,000 US troops in Turkey and the right
to use 10 bases in different parts of the country, including a Black Sea
port near the Caucasus. This demand betrayed the intention of US imperialists
to use Turkey as a long-term staging area not only for ground attacks into
Iraq, but also against other countries in the Middle East and potentially
beyond, including the Caucasus.
If other countries could be destabilized and redesigned,
why not Turkey? The unforgettable words of Pastor
Martin Niemoller who himself ended up in a concentration camp,
can mutatis mutandis be applied to the position of Turkey:
"In Germany first they came for the Communists, and I didn’t speak up
because I wasn’t a Communist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn’t
speak up because I wasn’t a Jew. Then they came for the trade unionists,
and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a trade unionist. Then they came
for the Catholics, and I didn’t speak up because I was a Protestant. Then
they came for me-and by that time no one was left to speak up."
The bill prepared by the AKP government allowing US
troops to be stationed in Turkey and enter Iraq through Turkey was discussed
at a closed session of the Turkish parliament on 1 March, that is, right
after this article was written. The motion was rejected by a very narrow
majority; of the 533 deputies attending the session 264 voted in favor
of the deployment of US troops and 250 voted against, while 19 abstained.
More than a quarter of AKP deputies voted together with the 174 deputies
of the opposition CHP (Republican People’s Party). Since votes in favor
of deployment of US troops were just three votes less than the required
absolute majority (267), the motion was not passed. This has proved to
be a significant blow to the war plans of US imperialists, whose cargo
ships were eagerly waiting to unload their tanks and other equipment in
Turkish waters in the eastern Mediterranean. The discussions in the parliament
on the other hand, have coincided with one of the largest the anti-war
demonstration; more than 50,000 people took part in the protest action
in Ankara and chanted anti-war and anti-imperialist slogans.
However, there is absolutely no reason to relax
and feel content with this minor victory. Employing both the carrot
and the stick, US imperialists will force their way to get what they want
and the General Staff and the AKP government are in no position to put
a genuine and strong resistance to them. In the coming days, a new bill
granting stationing and passage rights to American troops and military
equipment shall probably be forwarded to the parliament.
Therefore, to repel the imperialist crusade of American
neo-fascists and their allies and lackeys and to impose at least a tactical
defeat on them, much more remains to be done, both in Turkey and throughout
the world. Workers, other toilers, youth and intellectuals need to come
forward in much greater numbers and join the fight against the implacable
enemies of toiling humanity. Naturally, one cannot pretend that the danger
of imperialist war and aggression can be ended through peace marches and
other mass actions, though they may assist in averting a particular war
of aggression. This requires the overthrow of capitalist-imperialist system
itself. But such actions, by educating the workers and other toilers in
the heat of the struggle, by demonstraing the hollowness of petty-bourgeois
illusions and by reviving the forgotten lessons and experience of past
class struggles, do prepare the masses for the coming revolutionary battles.
The worldwide struggle to prevent a US aggression against Iraq and other
Middle Eastern countries, to expose and isolate US imperialists and their
closest allies and stooges must and shall continue. Whatever happens in
Iraq and the Middle East, victory shall belong to the workers and other
toilers of the world and definitely not to the parasitic ruling classes
and their decaying capitalist system.
2 March 2003
MORE ON TURKEY
Turkey The
HIZBULLAH Of Turkey;
History
of MLCP And the Revolutionary Movement ;
Summary
of the Ordeal in Turkish Prisons;
Turkish Revolutionary Movement; and Suicide Tactics
Turkish
Revolutionary Crisis
MORE ON THE IRAQ CRISIS
Iraq & Saddam Hussein Background
& The Gulf War
Iran - the "Muslim Revolution", & Mussadiq & CIA removal
of: Iran
Iraq-Irani War 1980; Iraq-Iran
War
Iraqi-USA War 2002 Imminent - Turkish Expansionism Alliance
49
Iraq 2003 - Forthcoming war Alliance
issue January 2003
Iraq 2003, & Saddam Husssein Alliance
February 2003
Iraq, Sanctions Against
Alliance
February 2003