COMPASS Mar. 1994 No. 112; Communist League


    The basic need now became in deeds to encourage the German imperialists to expand eastwards towards the Soviet Union, and eventually make war on that state, while criticising this expansion in words. This was the basic aim of the so-called 'appeasement policy' pursued by the West European imperialists -- particularly those of Britain and France.

    The revisionists in the leadership of the Communist International, in order to serve imperialism, had to change Comintern policy, had to reverse its pseudo-left policies of 1930-34, and to prepare the ground for a right opportunist deviation from correct Marxist-Leninist united front tactics which would objectively assist appeasement.

    Such a radical change of policy could obviously be more easily effected by a new leader, a leader not associated with the previous pseudo-left deviation and able to criticise this and dissociate himself from it.

    This new leader was the Bulgarian communist Georgi Dimitrov*. [See the end for biographical details on all "starred *" names –Editor Alliance]

    On 27 February 1933 -- a few days before elections were due -- a fire severely damaged the building of the German Parliament in Berlin -- the Reichstag:     Adolf Hitler*, Hermann Goering* and Joseph Goebbels* were quick to arrive at the scene and attributed the fire to 'arson by Communists':     At once,     On the day following the fire, 28 February 1933, Hitler exploited the situation by prevailing upon the aged President Hindenburg*     As 'Times' correspondent Douglas Reed* wrote:     and by election day, 5 March 1933,     According to the Nazi 'Prussian Press Service' on 28 February 1933,     On 9 March three emigre Bulgarian Communists were arrested in Berlin in connection with the arson -- Georgi Dimitrov (who had been working in Berlin as head of the West European Bureau of the Communist International), Blagir Popov* (a student) and Vasil Tanev* (a shoemaker). A fourth arrest was that of Ernst Torgler*, leader of the Communist fraction in the Reichstag.     The International Committee for Aid to Victims of Nazi Fascists, headed by Albert Einstein*, organised an international commission of jurists to investigate the Reichstag Fire. It met in London under the chairmanship of Dennis Pritt*. Its report, published before the Reichstag Fire Trial began, concluded:     Indeed, the Commission concluded that the real arsonists were most likely to have been the leaders of the Nazi Party, who wished to find a pretext for the repression of rival parties -- in particular the Communist Party. It found:     The Commission's findings were abundantly confirmed in 1946 at the Nuremberg Tribunal. Hans Gisevius*, an official in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior at the time, gave evidence:     And General Franz Halder*, who had been Hitler's Chief of the General Staff in 1939-42, testified in an affidavit:     The trial of the five defendants in the Reichstag Fire case opened in Leipzig on 21 September 1933 and, after some sessions in Berlin, ended there on 23 December.

    During the proceedings irrefutable evidence was produced that Dimitrov had not been in Berlin on 27 and 28 February (the day of, and the day following, the fire):

    It was clear that Van der Lubbe had been a dupe:     Yet at his trial Van der Lubbe repeatedly and proudly insisted that he had been solely responsible for the arson:     Of the five defendants, only Van der Lubbe was found guilty, sentenced to death and, on 10 January 1934, beheaded.     There can be no doubt that the defendants in the Reichstag trial, other than the mentally defective Van der Lubbe, were innocent of any complicity in the Reichstag fire, and that the real culprits were the leaders of the Nazi Party.

    Nevertheless, there remain some very odd features about the affair which require explanation.

    Firstly, why was Dimitrov given, in comparison with other political prisoners of the Nazis, relatively favourable treatment? For example, during his interview on his arrival in Moscow in February 1934, Dimitrov was asked:

    Secondly, why was it decided to put the three Bulgarian Communists on public trial and allow Dimitrov to question Goering and Goebbels, in a way that made them look foolish, at a time when most known Communists were being herded into concentration camps without any trial at all?     Thirdly, why did the Nazi prosecutors, not noted for their concern for legal niceties such as innocence or guilt, ask the Court to acquit the three Bulgarian Communists because of 'insufficient evidence'?     Fourthly, why did a Nazi court, not noted for justice towards Communists, find all the Communist defendants not guilty?
    The official reply to this question by the Bulgarian revisionists is 'international pressure':     Yet on most other questions international pressure was singularly unsuccessful in modifying Nazi policies.

    Fifthly, why did capitalist newspapers in many countries -- newspapers usually not noted for objectivity towards Communists or for their critical attitude towards Nazism -- support the campaign in favour of Dimitrov's innocence? For example,

    Sixthly, why were the three Bulgarian defendants assisted by the Nazis, in February 1934, to fly to a heroes' welcome in Moscow, while the German defendant Torgler, who was also acquitted, disappeared into a concentration camp?     Seventhly, why, in the years that followed the Reichstag Trial, did international revisionism continue to extol Dimitrov as a 'heroic Marxist-Leninist' while denouncing as 'criminals' genuine Marxist-Leninists like Stalin?

    For example, a conference was held in Sofia in June 1972, in honour of Dimitrov at which revisionists from all over the world paid fulsome tribute to him. The leading Soviet revisionist Boris Ponomarev* praised:

    And the Yugoslav revisionist leader 'Tito'* sent a message saying:     Marxism-Leninism teaches us that everything makes sense.     Of course, the working class needs heroic figures, and it would be unforgivable to slander a genuinely heroic Marxist-Leninist.

    But, the above interpretation of the facts is confirmed by a number of witnesses:

    For example, the former leading German Communist Ruth Fischer* asserts that she was assured of its truth by Wilhelm Pieck* and Communist Reichstag deputy Maria Reese:

    And the American historian Stephe Koch* confirms:     The suitability of Dimitrov for the post of imperialism's nominee for the post of Secretary-General of the Communist International in these circumstances is supported by the fact that in 1929 -- as Babette Gross, the widow of the German revisionist Willi Muenzenberg* relates -- he had been:     According to Lenin, the transition from a capitalist to a socialist society can be accomplished only by means of a violent revolution on the part of the working class:     Stalin unequivocally endorsed Lenin's view:     This conception was incorporated in Lenin's theses on bourgeois democracy adopted by the lst Congress of the Communist International in March 1919:     Further, Lenin dismissed as a 'reactionary, petty-bourgeois dream' the concept that there could be a form of state intermediate between the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and that of the proletariat:     The main report at the 7th World Congress of the Comintern was given by Georgi Dimitrov -- on 'The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International'. At a casual reading, this report appears to follow Marxist-Leninist principles on the question of the transition to socialism. Dimitrov dismisses as an 'illusion' the revisionist concept of 'peaceful, parliamentary transition to socialism', and condemns as 'Right opportunism' the revisionist concept that there could be some intermediate type of state between the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and that of the proletariat:     and he insists that a united front government is not a Soviet government (i.e., a government of the dictatorship of the proletariat) so that the establishment of such a government does not eliminate the need for a socialist revolution to establish Soviet power:     And yet, in spite of these correct Marxist-Leninist formulations, Dimitrov opens the door slightly to the revisionist concept of 'peaceful, parliamentary transition to socialism' when he avers that an elected united front government can make revolutionary inroads into the political and economic power of the capitalist class:     But if a united front government is not a government of the dictatorship of the proletariat and yet is in a position to make 'revolutionary inroads' into the political and economic power of the capitalist class, it must be some kind of intermediate government between the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship of the proletariat which Dimitrov has earlier dismissed as a 'Right opportunist illusion'!     On Lenin's insistence, the Communist International was a highly centralised international organisation:     In fact, even when revisionists dominated it, the centralised Communist International was a significant barrier to the adoption of clearly revisionist ideas, since individual parties could raise objections to these ideas.

    Consequently, in September 1935, as soon as the 7th World Congress of the Communist International was over, the revisionist leadership of the CI initiated steps to decentralise the organisation, giving the individual parties 'day-to-day management' of their affairs:

    At a meeting of the Secretariat of the ECCI in September 1936, Dimitrov reversed his 1935 position that there could be no such thing as an 'intermediate state' between the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and that of the proletariat. He now declared that the Popular Front governments elected in Spain in February 1936 and in France in June 1936 were precisely such 'intermediate states':     Dimitrov defined this imaginary 'intermediate state' as:     But Lenin used the term 'democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry' to mean, not an elected progressive government, but one which came into being by revolution, specifically in the first stage of the revolutionary process in Russia. Significantly, he usually termed it 'the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry':     In an article in October 1936, Palmiro Togliatti* coined the term 'new democracy' to describe the Popular Front government which had been elected in Spain in February:     The term 'new democracy' was taken over by the Chinese revisionist leader Mao Tse-tung* and applied to a type of state created after the first stage of the revolutionary process in a colonial-type country and described as 'the joint dictatorship of several classes including the national bourgeoisie':     On the day of the German attack on the Soviet Union, 22 June 1941, the revisionist leaders of the Communist International reorganised the ECCI so as to place management of the ECCI's work in the hands of a triumvirate of three leading revisionists -- Georgi Dimitrov, Dmitry Manuilsky and Palmiro Togliatti:     On 15 May 1943 the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International submitted a proposal to the Communist Parties for the dissolution of the Communist International.

    The decision to dissolve the Communist International was taken by the Presidium of the ECCI on 8 June 1943:

    The aim of the Communist International was defined in its Statutes as     Clearly, therefore, the motive for the dissolution of the CI was not because its aims had been achieved.

    The reasons given for the proposal were, firstly that, because of the increased complexity of the international situation,

    and, secondly, that the Communist International had become superfluous as a result of:     Neither of these reasons has any validity.

    Firstly, the CI had based itself on the principle of taking national differences fully into account. The Programme of the CI emphasised:

    and the 7th Congress in July/August 1935 instructed the ECCI     Secondly, the lack of political maturity on the part of the great majority of Communist Parties is shown incontrovertibly by the fact that within a short time of the dissolution most had openly embraced revisionism of one hue or another and were in a state of mutual ideological conflict.

    The decision to dissolve the Communist International was not one that undermined the security of the socialist state. Therefore, the Marxist-Leninist minority in the leadership of the Communist International and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union did not resist the move to the point of resigning from these bodies, but accepted the majority decision as binding on them. Indeed, they could hardly make a stand for the maintenance of an organisation that was dominated by revisionists.

    Answering a question on the subject from Reuter's Moscow correspondent, Harold King*, Stalin said:

    It was significant, however, that Stalin did not give as his reason for favouring dissolution either of the reasons given by the Communist International itself. On the contrary, he gave as the reason for his support that:     In other words, Stalin was implying -- without breaching the discipline of the CI and the CPSU -- that the CI, under its revisionist leadership, had ceased to be of any use as an organ of socialist revolution so that in these circumstances its dissolution would usefully contribute to united -military action with the imperialist powers.

    The Marxist-Leninist minority on the Communist International took the view that, instead of trying to save the old degenerate Comintern under its revisionist leadership, they would rather seek to form a new international organisation, under new anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist leadership. As we shall see, this new body came into being in 1947 as the 'Communist Information Bureau' (Cominform).

    The question arises:
    What was so urgent about the proposal to dissolve the CI that it could not be submitted to a Congress of the CI?

    The great victory of Stalingrad had already taken place, the Soviet armies had already embarked on their great counter-offensive against the German forces, and Allied forces had already landed in North Africa. The critical phase of the war for the Soviet Union had passed, and victory was clearly approaching.

    But if the revisionists had waited till the end of the war to put forward their proposal, this would have had to have been debated at a Congress -where some Communist Parties might have questioned it. But in 1943 the revisionists could claim that:

    Freed of the 'restraints' of the Comintern, some Communist Parties lapsed almost immediately into open revisionism.      In 1944, the leader of the Communist Party of the United States of America, Earl Browder*, initiated the adoption by the Party of a totally revisionist programme. He presented the agreement between the Soviet Union and the Western imperialist powers at Teheran as an indication that interclass antagonisms had been eliminated, and that American capitalism could be peacefully transformed into socialism by class collaboration through the institutions of "American democracy". Browder further put forward the view that:     so that the existence of the Communist Party had become an obstacle to national unity!

    Under Browder's leadership, the 10th Convention of the CPUSA in May 1944 dissolved the Party and reconstituted it as the 'Communist Political Association', the aim of which was to carry on 'political education' to make the public understand that the peaceful transition to 'socialism', through the nationalisation of monopolistic enterprises, was socially desirable. The CPA's constitution states:

    William Foster*, who was opposed to Browder's Teheran theses (though not to the liquidation of the Communist Party), wrote to Dimitrov asking for his support in opposing Browder, but Dimitrov wrote back supporting Browder:     Foster was, in fact,     In the April 1945 issue of 'Cahiers du Communisme' (Notebooks of Communism), the theoretical journal of the French Communist Party there appeared, under the title 'On the Dissolution of the Communist Party of the USA', an article attributed to the leading French communist Jacques Duclos* and highly critical of Browderism. The main points of his criticism were:     Thus, charged the article, Browder had distorted the meaning of the Teheran declaration:     The article dismissed Browder's claim that nationalisation of monopolies was equivalent to socialism:     Finally, the article strongly criticised the dissolution of the Communist Party:     Although the article bore Duclos's signature, it was in fact written in Moscow, almost certainly under the guidance of Andrey Zhdanov*:     Following the circulation of the 'Duclos Letter', at a Special Emergency Convention of the CPA on 26-28 July 045, a resolution was adopted to reconstitute the CPUSA, headed by a temporary Secretariat. In February 1946 Browder was expelled from the reconstituted party and in July 1946 Eugene Dennis* was elected General Secretary.     In May 1945, before the appearance of the 'Duclos' letter, the revisionist leader of the Communist Party of Great Britain, Harry Pollitt* rushed to jump on the Browder bandwagon and embrace state capitalism:     Following publication of the 'Duclos' letter, the pamphlet was withdrawn.     In March 1946, a year after he had supported Browderism, Dimitrov openly embraced the revisionist thesis that socialism could be attained peacefully, without revolution:     The editor of Dimitrov's 'Selected Works', Spass Roussinov, explains the change of line by 'changed conditions':     In 1947 the Soviet government was alarmed at proposals from Tito and Dimitrov for the formation of a 'Balkan Federation' -- proposals which they saw as an anti-Soviet move:     Speaking in Sofia in November 1947 before the signing of the Yugoslav-Bulgarian 'Treaty of Friendship, Collaboration and Mutual Aid', Tito said:     And during his visit to Bucharest in January 1948 for the signing of the Bulgarian-Romanian Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance, Dimitrov, now Prime Minister of Bulgaria,     Eleven days later, on 28 January, a 'Pravda' editorial     In his report to the 2nd Congress of the Bulgarian Fatherland Front in February 1948, Dimitrov said:     In July 1948, after the expulsion of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia from the Cominform, the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party hastily dissociated itself from Titoism. It     In these circumstances, at the trial of Traicho Kostov* and others in Sofia in December 1949, the character of the Balkan Federation proposals were correctly characterised as treasonable, but Dimitrov was not included among the defendants and the blame for the abortive Balkan Federation scheme was placed on Tito and Kostov's group:     and the Bulgarian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Vladimir Poptomov*, was at pains to deny the Yugoslav government's assertions that Dimitrov had been a Titoist:     Five years later, in 1951, the revisionist leadership Of the Communist Party of Great Britain officially followed Dimitrov's example:     In February 1956 the 'peaceful, parliamentary road to socialism' was endorsed on behalf of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union by its First Secretary, Nikita Khrushchev*:     Despite its verbal criticism of modern revisionism, the Declaration of the Meeting of the Communist and Workers' Parties of Socialist Countries, held in Moscow in November 1957, gave international endorsement to this revisionist formulation:

'COMpass' is published by: THE COMMUNIST LEAGUE; The aim of the Communist League is to establish in Britain a Marxist-Leninist Party of the working class free of all revisionist trends.

BROWDER, Earl R. American revisionist politician (1891-1973); General Secretary, Pan-Pacific Trade Union Secretariat (1927-28); General Secretary, CPUSA (1930-45); expelled from CP (1946).

DENNIS, Eugene (American revisionist politician (1904-61); General Secretary CPUSA (1946-59); President, CPUSA (1959-61).

DIMITROV, Georgi M., Bulgarian revisionist politician (1882-1949); Head, West European Section, CI (1929-33); defendant in Reichstag Fire Trial (193334); to Moscow (1934); Secretary-General, CI (1935-43); to Bulgaria (1945); Premier (1945-49).

DUCLOS, Jacques , French revisionist politician (1896-1975); Secretary, FCP (1931-64); Vice-President, National Assembly (1936-40); Senator (1959-79).

EINSTEIN, Albert, German-born physicist (1879-1955); published theories of relativity (1905, 1916); Director, Kaiser Wilhelm Physical Institute, Berlin (1914-33); Nobel Prize for Physics (1922); to USA (1933); Member, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton University (1933-45).US citizen (1940); Professor of Physics, Princeton University (1940-55).

ERNST, Karl, German fascist para-military leader (1904-34); leader, SA, Berlin and Brandenburg (1931-34); murdered by fascists in 'Blood Purge' (1934).

FISCHER, Ruth, German revisionist politician (1895-1961); leader, CPG (1924-25); expelled CPG (1926); to France (1933); member, International Secretariat, (Trotskyist) Communist League (1935-36); to USA (1941)

FOSTER, William Z., American revisionist politician (1881-1961); Member, Presidium, ECCI (1931-43); National Chairman, CPUSA (1932-57); President, CPUSA (1957-61).

GISEVIUS, Hans B., German fascist diplomat (1904-74); Vice-Consul, Zurich (1940-44); prosecution witness, War Crimes Trial (1946).

GOEBBELS, Joseph P., German fascist politician (1897-1945); Minister for Propaganda (1933-45); committed suicide (1945).

GOERING, Hermann W., German fascist politician (1893-1946); President, Reichstag (1932-45); Prussian Premier, Minister of Interior & Air Minister (1933-45); commander-in-chief, Luftwaffe (1935-45); field marshal (1938); Reichmarshal (1940); defendant, War Crimes Trial (1946); committed suicide (1946).

HALDER, Franz, German military officer (1884-1972); Chief of General Staff (1939-42).

HINDENBURG, Paul von, German military officer and politician (1847-1934); general (1903); field marshal (1914); Chief of General Staff (1916-19); retired from army (1919); President (1925-34).

HITLER, Adolf, German fascist politician (1889-1945); Chancellor (1933-34); Fuehrer (1934-45); committed suicide (1945).

KHRUSHCHEV, Nikita S., Soviet revisionist politician (1894-1971); Member, Politburo, CPSU (1939-64); lst. Secretary, CP Ukraine (1944-49); 1st. Secretary, CPSU (1953-64); USSR Premier (1958-64).

KING, Harold, German-born British journalist (1898-1990); assistant general manager, Reuters, Paris (1958-67); retired (1967).

KOCH, Stephen (pron. Coke), American writer and teacher (1941- Instructor

in Fiction Writing, Columbia University, NY (1977- ).

KOSTOV, Traicho, Bulgarian revisionist politician (1897-1949); SecretaryGeneral, BCP (1944-45); Deputy-Premier (1946); arrested, found guilty of treason and executed (1949).

LUBBE, Marinus van der, Dutch anarchist (1910-34); scapegoat in Reichstag Fire (1933); convicted of high treason and guillotined (1934),

MAO Tse-tung, Chinese revisionist politician (1893-1976); Chairman, Chinese Soviet Republic, Kiangsi (1931-34); Chairman, CCP (1935-76); President (1949-59); initiated reactionary 'Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution' (1966-69).

MUENZENBERG, Willi, German revisionist publisher and editor (1899-1940); head, Young Communist International (1919-21); founded 'Workers' International Relief' (1921); founded 'League against Imperialism' (1927); to France (1933); became anti-Communist and expelled from CPG (1937); murdered in France (1940).

POLLITT, Harry, British revisionist politician (1890-1960); Secretary, 'Hands off Russia' Movement (1919); Secretary, 'National Minority Movement' (1924-291; General Secretary, CPGB (1929-39, 1941-56); Chairman, CPG (1956-60).

PONOMAREV, Boris N., Soviet revisionist politician (1905- ); Head, Government Information Bureau (1946-49); Deputy-Director, Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute ~043-44); Secretary, CC, CPSU (1961-86); retired (1986).

POPOV, Blagaev. Bulgarian revisionist politician (1902-); defendant in Reichstag Fire Trial (1933); to Moscow (1935); made public self-criticism (1936); arrested, found guilty of treason (1937); imprisoned (1937-54); to Bulgaria, where employed in Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1954-67).

POPTOMOV, Vladimir, Bulgarian revisionist politician (1890-1952); Minister of Foreign Affairs (1949-50); Deputy-Premier (1950-52).

PRITT, Denis N.,,British lawyer and author (1887-1972); called to bar (1909) QC (1927); MP (1935-50); Chairman, Reichstag Fire Trial Inquiry Commission (1933); member, Labour Party Executive (1936-37); retire from practice (1960); Professor of Law, University of Ghana (1965-66).

REED, Douglas, British journalist (1895-1976); reporter, 'Times' (1926-29
Assistant Correspondent, Berlin, 'Times' (1929-35); Chief Central European Correspondent, 'Times', (135-38); Special Chronicle' (1938-39); free-lance writer (1939-73).

TANEV, Vasil, Bulgarian revisionist politician (1897-1941); defendant in

Reichstag Fire Trial (1933); to Moscow (1934); made public self –criticisms (1935, 1936).

THAELMANN, (pron. TAYL'man), Ernst, German Marxist-Leninist politician (18661944); Chairman, CPG (025-33); arrested by Nazis (1933); murdered by Nazis in concentration camp 0944).

('TITO'), Broz, Josip, Yugoslav revisionist politician (1892-1980); Organising Secretary, YCP (1936-37); Secretary-General, YPC (1937-48); Marshal (1943); Secretary-General, League of Communists of Yugoslavia (1948-80); Premier & Minister of Defence (1945-53); President (1953-80); Chairman, LCY (060-80).

TOGLIATTI, Palmiro, Italian revisionist politician (1893-1954); member, Presidium, ECCI (1924-43);secretary-general ICP (1927-64); to Italy (1944); Deputy Premier (1945-47).

TORGLER, Ernst , German revisionist politician (1893-1963); deputy, Reichstag (1924-33); arrested (1933); defendant, Reichstag Fire Trial (1934); imprisoned (1934-35); released (1935); expelled, CPG (1935); joined Social-democratic Party (1949).

ZHDANOV, Andrey A., Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician (1896-1948); Secretary, CPSU, Leningrad (034-44); member, Politburo, CPSU (1935-48j; lieutenant-general (1943); murdered by revisionists (1948).

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Communist Party of Great Britain: 'The British Road to Socialism'; London; 1951.

Degras, Jane (Ed.): 'The Communist International: 1919-1943: Documents', Volumes 1, 2 and 3; London; 1971.

Dimitrov, Georgi M.: 'Selected Works', Volumes 1 and 2; Sofia; 1967.
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Fischer, Ruth: 'Stalin and German Communism: A Study in the Origins of the State Party'; London; 1948.

Gittings, John: 'Survey of the Sino-Soviet Dispute: A Commentary and Extracts from the Recent Polemics: 1963-67'; London; 1968.

Gross, Babette: 'Willi Muenzenberg: A Political Biography'; East Lansing (USA); 1974.

Gunther. John: 'Inside Europe'; London; 1936.

Institute of Marxism-Leninism, CC, CPSU: 'Outline History of the Communist International'; Moscow; 1971.

Jaffe, Philip J.: 'The Rise and Fall of Earl Browder', in: 'Survey', Volume 18, No. 2 (Spring 1972).

Koch, Stephen: 'The Dimitrov Conspiracy', in: New York Times; 23 January 1994.

Khrushchev, Nikita S.: Report of the Central Committee to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union'; London; 1956.

Lenin, Vladimir I.: 'Collected Works', Volume 8; Moscow; 1962; Volume 28; Moscow; 1974; Volume 31; Moscow; 1974.
--- : 'Selected Works', Volume 7; London; 1946.

Mao Tse-tung: 'On New Democracy', in:'Selected Works', Volume 2; Peking; 1965.

National Council of the Fatherland Front: 'Georgi Dimitrov: A Short Biographical Note'; London; 1949.

Pollitt, Harry: 'Answers to Questions'; London; 1945.

Pritt, Denis N.: 'Autobiography', Part 1: 'From Right to Left'; London; 1965.

Reed, Douglas: 'The Burning of the Reichstag'; London; 1934.

Shirer, William L.: 'The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich'; London; 1971.

Stalin, Josef V.: 'War Speeches, Orders of the Day, and Answers to Correspondents during the Great Patriotic War: July 3rd 1941 - June 22nd 1945'; London; 1956.
--- : 'Works', Volume 8; Moscow; 1954.

World Committee for the Victims of German Fascism: 'Brown Book of the Hitler Terror and the Burning of the Reichstag'; London; 1933.

Unsigned____  'The Evolution of the Cominform: 1947-50', in: 'The World Today', Volume 6, No. 5 (May 1950).

Unsigned____: 'Georgi Dimitrov and the Unification of the Revolutionary and Democratic Forces for Peace, Democracy and Socialism'; Sofia; 1974.

Unsigned____: 'Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International
Tribunal', Volume 12; Nuremberg; 1947.

Unsigned____: 'Trial of Traicho Kostov and His Group'; Sofia; 1949.