“ALLIANCE!”
MARXIST-LENINIST
SPRING 2006
________________________________________________________________
”MY LIFE WITH ENVER”;
Memoirs Volume I By Nexhmije Hoxha Chapters 9-11
<>
Nobody but Enver Hoxha deserves the expression:
“Glory goes to the ones not asking for it”
Anti-fascist Rally Korca, 28th
November
1939
Delegates
at Peza Conference September 16, 1942:
Hoxha (r) with Myslim
Enver Hoxa at left; Clockwise from top left:
Room of Peza
Conference
Myslim Peza; Haxhi Lleshi; Nexhmije Xhuglini;
Mustafa Xhani
________________________________________________________________________________________________
COPYRIGHT:
of the original work belongs to the author;
and of
this translation jointly between the author and the translators -
Alliance
Marxist-Leninist
First published in Albanian; by “LIRA” Tirana 1998 (Print Run: 2000).
All
Photographs from: 'Enver Hoxha 1908-1985':; Tirana; 1986;
containing photos of the Archives PPSH and of Albania Telegraphic
Agency
Publishers Preface – Alliance
This is Part Three of a translation, that was commissioned and edited, with authorisation from Nexhmije Hoxha.
[PART One chapters 1-4 at
http://www.allianceML.com/PAPER/2005NOVEMBER/Chapter1_4HoxhaFIN.html
PART Two: Chapters 5-8 at: http://www.allianceml.com/PAPER/2006/Spring_March/Chap5_8_FINAL.html]
It was undertaken and effected by an Editorial Board drawn from the Communist League (UK) and Alliance-ML (North America). All board members, are former members
of the now defunct ‘Albania Society’ organised by W.B.Bland.
All web-materials of this book are available to be distributed - but copyright is held by this board in association with Nexhmije Hoxha.
All permissions to copy this material on the web or in print format will be freely given, provided that the material is prefaced with the above statements.
Should there be any errors remaining in translation, we apologise for these, and stress that they are solely the responsibility of the Editorial Board noted above – not the author.
We are publishing this initially as a series on the web. In due course we will be publishing the entire authorised translation as two volumes in a bound version.
November 2005.
________________________________________________________________________________________________
1.
Authors Preface
I decided to write these memoirs about my life with Enver when I felt a
strong
need to suppress the torturing loneliness of my prison cell. I started
with
memories from our youth, our life together, the first meeting and love
- that
had connected the two of us so much. I had never even talked to my
children
about these matters, and I have kept these memories to myself,
throughout my
life.
With the passing of time, our ideal life together was embellished and
transformed
into a source of endless happiness, and into a moral strength that kept
me
alive in very difficult situations and circumstances.
Sentenced to 11 years of imprisonment, under absurd charges, it had
been
already determined that I would not be released until I was over 80
years old.
It is for that reason that I decided to write these memoirs, so
that they
are left to my children, for them to learn about the life experiences
of their
parents, before they were born, and when they were little. And, even
later,
when we had not been able to find the time, to talk to them about these
things.
So, my children came to learn of them gradually, by reading notes that
I had
secretly written in prison. They were brave enough to become my muses
together
with their families – they helped me to fulfill the promise that I had
made to
their father, my Enver.
At the suggestion of many comrades and friends, I decided to publish these memoirs, hoping that I would be able to satisfy the wishes of many veterans, the co-fighters of Enver; as well as to answer the curiosity of the new generations who would not know Enver as the leader of our country and people for nearly 50 years.
During the 7 years of social and political collapse in our country,
much was
said and written about Enver and his work, including much which was
absurd,
banal and even monstrous. In these memoirs I do not want to dwell on
the many
deceits and obscenities thrown into the Albanian political arena. I
only
reminisce and describe Enver just as he was, during his life, the war,
work,
political activities, and with family and friends. Fifty years is a
rather long
period and the memories reflected in this book are not scientific
analyses of
the history of that period and the role of Enver Hoxha. Even as
memories they
cannot completely cover that time span.
But being
confined to a prison
cell, it was these memories that kept me going, and it was in such a
situation
that I began to write them down - when allowed to do so and when I had
the
chance.
Each memory brought back others until they became too many to be
included in a
single volume and I therefore decided to divide them into two books.
Book I, is the one you have in your hands, “My L
It includes first acquaintance, our love, our meetings during the time
of the
National Liberation War, our life in the family after liberation; the
daily
routine of life and work of Enver, encounters with missions sent by the
Yugoslavian Communist Party, and their agents in our Party (whose aim
was to include
Albania as a seventh republic of the Yugoslav federation); the close
friendship
with the SU (Soviet Union) during Stalin's time and, later, the
betrayal of the
stigmatized revisionist N. S Khrushchev and the ones following him. As
chronologically ordered, these memoirs reach the year 1973, although a
strict
chronology is not necessarily adhered to within each chapter.
Book II reflects “The last ten years of my life with Enver”. The
memories in
this book are somewhat detached from each other, and this period was a
rather
disturbed time for the Party and our government too. Towards the end of
1973,
Enver suffered his first heart attack. Since the recent years of
"democracy" there has been much speculation with regard to Enver's
health. But, based upon the evidence that I have, I can categorically
deny the
false rumors regarding Enver's inability to continue working in his
highly
responsible office. The years following were full of activities,
whether in the
political arena or in his personal creativity. This is evidenced by his
wide
ranging activities during this period, his many political initiatives
and the
several editions of memoirs that he wrote in addition to his
ideological or
political writings.
During 1974-1975, Enver had to fight against anti party activity, anti-socialists and anti-nationalist who were associated with some of the party members. I write about these in my memoirs and show how Enver handled them and survived these difficulties.
Much speculation has circulated regarding the relationship between
Enver and
Mehmet Shehu. Therefore, in the second book, I have dedicated a whole
chapter
to the special character this relationship had, and of the long
collaboration
and suicide of Mehmet Shehu.
A special part of this second book is dedicated, not only to personal
memories,
but also to Enver’s arguments on the nature of the relations with
the
Communist Party of China and the
Certainly
I couldn’t leave out a
description of his character and personality, as a man of cultural
interests,
and of a broad mentality. Enver especially respected men and women of
scientific, artistic and literary backgrounds. It is with great
discontent that
I have had to read from many politicians, writers and intellectuals'
various
invented and denigrating charges, which are completely untrue.
With regards to his relation with the people - the straight-forward
people -
Enver was always a popular leader; with his collaborators he behaved as
a
friend and respected teacher, as he did with the revolutionaries and
Marxist
Leninists of other countries; he was a diplomat with politicians and
foreign
friends; and with his family and friends he was a HUMAN.
I apologize to the readers in the case of any minor inconsistencies,
who should
take into consideration that these memoirs were written down when I was
imprisoned without any documentation available. There I was not
even
allowed to use my husband’s books, with which I could check and refresh
my
memories. I could not do this even after I was out of prison. The first
six
months of 1997 are well known for the political turmoil within
With all the difficulties encountered in the preparation of these
memoirs, I
would like to say that they wouldn't have come to light without the
support and
concrete contributions of friends who have assisted me as advisers for
such a
publication; and those who as editors who undertook the publication of
this
edition. I will not mention their names for the moment, for reasons
which are
clearly understandable, yet I express my gratitude, and my respect
towards
their benevolence and consistent stance in spite of unknown storms
passing over
our people and country.
I also express my gratitude to the publishing house that undertook
bringing
into the light my collected memoirs.
Chpaters 1-4 are at http://www.allianceML.com/PAPER/2005NOVEMBER/Chapter1_4HoxhaFIN.html
9. In Kucaka. Another
Yugoslav emissary
In Kucaka, near Korca, I met-up again with
Enver. It
had been a long time we had seen each other and we spent some time
talking. He
told me about the problems that they had encountered in Vlora with the
anti-party
and factionist Sadik Premte,
whom I had
known very well in Tirana. I had met him at some of the bases where
illegals
were sheltered. He was a cynical man who would be a destructive
influence on
the work with the youth elements. I reported to Enver about the terror
exercised in Tirana, the general situation and the many searches that
had taken
place, including his sister's house and the room where we used to stay
together.
After we spent some time together, Enver
asked me:
“Can you find something to do? Or perhaps
you could
go outside and check around, as now we have a meeting with a comrade
coming
from Yugoslavia”.
I went out onto the porch where I found Fiqret Sanxhaktari who
had traveled from Korca, where she had been transferred after the
mistake in
kidnapping the daughter of Man Kukaleshi.
This was done in order to blackmail him for he was the most notorious
spy in
Tirana, serving the fascist invaders and their collaborators. Fiqret
would sometimes
deal with the typing of documents for the Central Party Committee. As
we were
sitting and talking, we saw a tall man coming down the stairs. He was
dressed
in a well-sewn military kaki suit. He was followed by a young lady, she
was
well built, good-looking and in the same type of kaki suit; partisan
trousers
and jacket. Under her arm she had a workbag. Both of them walked past
without
turning their heads as if we weren't there. I asked Fiqret who they
were. She
told me: his name was Svetzer Vukmanovic,
his nickname was Tempo,
whereas the lady
was his secretary, but they also say she was his wife. Her name was Milica.
When I saw Enver again, I told him about the two guests who didn't even greet us.
He smiled and added:
“They are angry with me”.
Being somewhat
surprised I asked him why they were angry. Enver explained to me who
Tempo was
and what he wanted to do in Albania, Greece and Bulgaria. Enver has
called
Tempo the wandering ambassador of Tito, who entered Albania through
Montenegro,
and sometimes through Macedonia. Tempo, it seemed, would put forward as
his
personal ideas the statements and orders received for the establishment
of a General Big Inter-Balkan
Headquarters in which
Yugoslavia, Albania, Bulgaria and Greece would be involved. Enver has
described
Vukamanovic Tempo exactly as he was - arrogant, stubborn, a wild
anti-Albanian
Serb chauvinist of the first class.
During the comings and goings of this
"political
Mafioso", Enver had had hot debates with Tempo regarding his scornful
and
unfair criticism him in relation to the Party and our partisan Units.
Tempo
suggested that we set up proletarian partisan brigades, similar to
those in
Yugoslavia. According to him we had to establish the General
Headquarters.
Actually we had already decided about this at the First National
Conference of
the Party. Tempo wanted to do this because he needed to establish the
General
Balkans Headquarters, which would be led by Tito during
the war. Whereas later..... ., Later there
would be other plans, on
"political integration", party, government and the Balkan Federation,
("certainly with Tito leading"). The great Dimitrov was
not satisfactory
enough for the appetite of this megalomaniac, who wasn't satisfied with
the
Federation of the Yugoslav Republics, which were artificially created
by the
superpowers, at the expense of other nations and nationalities.
The debate in Kucaka between Enver and
Tempo reached
a point of no return. On one of the trips Tempo undertook, he asked
that Koci Xoxe go with
him. Apparently they understood each other very well. On the way to
Greece,
Koci had reported everything in the world to Tempo and had spat out all
the
anger he kept inside against Enver Hoxha.
When these two were due back in Kucaka
from Greece,
it turned out that they hadn't done much. In fact, Tempo immediately
wanted to
convene a meeting with those comrades present there. He didn't mention
why, but
at that meeting I remember he brought up much criticism, especially
against
Enver. These facts are already known since Enver described them very
well in
his memoirs. It is also a well-known fact that when involved with such
talks,
the woman who had been introduced as Tempo's secretary interfered.
Enver told her:
"You stay where you are, don't behave like
Geraldine. . (former Albanian Queen).”
This incident caused the secretary to
burst into
tears and made Tempo angry.
It is not true that Enver was "harsh with
women", as one foreign author has written; on the contrary. But, Enver
was
not the sort of person to tolerate scorn and unfair criticism, even
from Tempo.
Not even from people of higher rank, as time showed later.
From what I remember, Enver, after Kucaka,
didn't
meet Vukmanovic Svetozar Tempo again during the war. After the war they
met
during the visit Enver paid to Belgrade in June 1946, as well as later
in
Moscow, when the Khruschovites fixed up some negotiations. They also
met in
July 1947, when Enver returned from his visit to the Soviet Union,
where he had
had his first meeting with Stalin and he found Tempo leading a
delegation
composed of military personnel.
10. The General Headquarters
and Enver
Hoxha approach Tirana
Below, Balli
Kombetar is translated as
“National
Front"(not to be confused with the Anti-fascist
National Liberation Front) and its members as “frontists".
The
National Front, created in 1942 and led by Mithat
Frash, was an Albanian reactionary organization which,
during the
final years of the war, opted to collaborate with the Italian and
German forces
in Albania, thus opposing the Anti-fascist National Liberation Front.
In Labinot,
from the 4th until the 9th of September 1943, the Second
National Liberation Conference was convened. The decisions
that were
made there, are quite famous in the history of the National Liberation
War of
our people. This conference approved the establishment of the General Headquarters of the National Liberation
Army,
the creation of large partisan units, an extension of the activities of
the
National Liberation Councils of the Front and, the upgrading of their
role
within the nuclei of the new popular government. The conference
condemned the
treachery of the representatives of the National Liberation Front in
Mukje led
by Ymer Dishnica and Mustafa Gjinishi. These two, instead
of arranging
for the involvement in the war of the National Front and Legaliti
forces, became
victims of their traps. They began to consider themselves not only as
equal
members concerning the future of the country (in spite of them not
participating in the war), but they were also given the opportunity of
taking
the lead as saviours of the nation.
Abaz Kupi, who until that moment was riding two
“horses”, left
the front and tried to ingratiate himself with the invaders, to save
his own life
as he expected the British would bring back King
Zog. Enver made another
attempt to organize another 'tete a tete' with him, in Shen Gjergj, at
the
house of their common friend, Shtepanajt.
Nothing was achieved, though. Bazi of
Cane
left the front, and joined the deserter nationalists from the Peza
Conference.
But now the Front attained a broader stage of development, not only in
its base
but also in the General Council. Its’ members were well-known
personalities in
our country; such as politicians, progressives , antifascist fighters,
and high
rank military, etc.
During the conference, important events
took place.
During a break, we heard on the radio Italy has capitulated. It is understandable what it meant for us.
The second bit of news was: German forces having reached Greece had
invaded
through Korca and, anywhere else they were able to set foot they would
instigate massacres. In Borova, a village in Kolonja, they had killed
elderly
people, women and children. They had also burnt down the whole village.
The capitulation of Italy meant the
surrender of the
Italian army in our country. This was one of Enver's primary concerns.
Disarming
the Italian army meant that their arms were to be surrendered to the
Albanian
National Liberation Army. All frontists and non-frontists were eager to
get
their hands on the arms and arm depots of the Italian army. The other
side of
the coin was related to the protection of the defeated army, their
self-protection, and turning them into an anti-fascist power, to serve
our
liberated country against fascism. How could it save itself from being
massacred by the mad Hitlerites, who had now been left in a mess by
their
former ally?
The conference issued a call to the Italian armed forces, and Enver Hoxha himself signed the order concerning the protection of Italian army.
I can not leave without mentioning here
that this
attitude of Enver, especially for the Italian anti-fascists and
communists and
many other Italian progressive personalities, was remarkable for its
long lived
effects. Their gratitude was later to be expressed through their
solidarity,
petitions, publications, public manifestations. When I was arrested at
the time
when Berisha was infected
with power
fever, he kept me in an isolated prison cell for more than 5 years. He
also
persecuted my family harshly for a long period. This was due, only to
the fact
that I was the wife of Enver Hoxha. I am very thankful to those Italian
friends
who did what they did for me in those difficult days created by the
anti-democratic
regime of Berisha.
The news of Italy capitulating caused an
indescribable happiness and enthusiasm for all delegates, partisans and
peasants who were on duty. To those who took out and fired off their
pistols, even
knowing that they might draw the attention of the enemies who were
located in
the area.
While talking unemotionally to the
comrades, Enver
told them that Italy’s capitulation was truly a victory for our
struggle,
though it created new situations, which required caution and all of us
to be
well prepared, since the new enemy was even wilder. Consequently, our
war
against them had to be more intense. The Nazis, he said, in order to
protect
their positions in Greece and other countries in the Balkans from being
threatened, will attack Albania too, so the path of the war for
liberation is a
long one. . . .
This was the major concern of Enver in
those days.
His concern was an even more comprehensive one, regarding the
development of
the situation at the war fronts in Europe. Furthermore, the opening of
the
second front by the Anglo-American allies was being held back. Enver
thought
the allies might land in Italy aiming at detaching this country as well
as the
Balkans from Germany and after that, it was likely that the Germans
would be
attacked from the direction of France as well as from other directions
also. So
they would be caught and wouldn’t have the chance to breathe. He
thought that,
with regard to the Balkans, the second front in this sector would be
left with
the National Liberation Forces of the respective Balkans countries. The
increase and extension of the National Liberation Movement in Albania,
Greece,
and Yugoslavia and their successes, showed that the movements were
capable of
accomplishing this overload successfully.
The new perspectives and duties emerging
for the
future of Albania immediately after the conclusion of the Second
National
Liberation Conference took into account these developments.
The General Headquarters and Enver Hoxha
as political
commissar (and, at the time General Secretary of the Albanian Communist
Party),
moved towards Tirana. They stopped nearby Arbana, a village situated in
a free
area of Peza, where the command of the Peza partisan group was situated. It was lead by the well-known patriot and
fighter Myslym Peza. This
move of the
headquarters to a few kilometers distant from the capital city, was
related to
the military and political situation that would need to be created in
case of
any possible landing of allies in the Balkans, especially in Albania.
As soon as he arrived in Arbana, Enver
called for Gogo Nushi, who
was once a member of the Central
Communist Party Committee and political secretary of the party for the
Tirana
Region. After having been informed about the situation of our forces
and the
enemy forces in the capital city, Enver spoke of the possibility of the
allies
landing in the Balkans and Albania and asked to know how many armed
fighters
could be prepared in order to support a coordinated attack of partisan
forces
from the surrounding hills.
Soon after returning to Tirana, Gogo Nushi
convened
the Tirana Regional Committee in which I participated in my capacity as
political secretary of the Communist Youth for Tirana. There, he
presented the
issues and requirements raised by comrade Enver when they had
conversed. We
debated for a long time, taking into account the delicacy and
importance of the
questions involved. I don’t remember exactly which official reply was
delivered
from this meeting apart from the problem regarding “guerrilla units not
being
sufficiently equipped and prepared to undertake such a significant
action”, but
the people and youth were prepared for this attack and would support
the
guerillas.
I was not at all optimistic about the
success of this
attack at that time, concerning the Liberation of Tirana and taking
power.
Therefore, I wrote a letter, a long one, I might say, to Enver about
this. It
is dated 22nd September 1943. Fortunately and surprisingly it is one of
those
letters saved from my correspondence with Enver during the National
Liberation
War. Nevertheless, I was only able to save some of Enver’s letters
during the
time when we were outlawed. These are approximately 13 and have a
documentary
value. They are so dear to me.
In the letter sent to Enver, amongst other
things, I
wrote:
“Guerrilla Units of the city are available
but you
should be aware that they are not trained and are in-experienced. And
this
first trial is a very dangerous one. Our units and the people certainly
will
help and support the entry of our army into the city, but I am not very
confident
about the military support they can provide. They could hinder the
movements of
the enemy, they can fight it, and can capture positions in the city,
but
without units they won't be able to confront the enemy. First we should
be
reinforced with more automatic weapons, tanks, etc, since, it is unimaginable they can acquire adequate
experience
in two or three days. The enemy is a strong military power and the
bastards
(the Albanians) serving them, have shown them how to escape and hide,
if they
are chased or attacked in the city. But the enemy forces are equipped
with
motorcycles and sufficient numbers of tanks for them to occupy one of
the main
roads of the city, which is unreachable by any of our groups or units.
I don’t
know much about war strategy and I don't know what your situation is,
but
Tirana cannot be taken unless the roads to Durres and Elbasan are
destroyed. As
for the burning of the city and the widespread terrorising of the
people, I
don’t see that the enemy would have enough forces and opportunities to
be able
to manage this. . . . Apart from the
weapons that have been provided to our units, it is evident that a
large part
of the population has also been armed. This has become more obvious
during the
past two nights when there has been quite a lot of shooting. It seems
that the
people are testing their guns and revolvers. Tirana can be taken, but
the
question is, whether or not we can hold
it. I am doubtful of this, and losing, control of the city will mean a
great
political and military loss . . . “
Then in the letter I wrote to him about our work with the National Liberation Councils, with the evacuated groups of people from Durres, and with the Youth etc. I also explained to him the ongoing activities of the National Front and those for the revitalization of certain elements from the ranks of the high level official intelligentsia.
Until this time they had been apart but
they were now
thinking that, on the 'eve' of the English American allies landing, it
was the
moment to found “social-democratic” parties etc, and to ask for their
participation without even helping us in the armed struggle.
In the second part of my letter I wrote to
Enver
about some of my concerns related to our personal relations. With Enver
away
from Tirana, the two of us could only communicate through letters. But
Enver
had a tendency to send me very brief letters that were not at all
satisfactory
to me. Even when there was a chance to meet-up with each other (as was
sometimes the case with particular meetings or conferences of a
national
character), my young heart would break as the meetings with Enver were
rather
limited and short. There was more time
taken
to say goodbye, than spend time together. When we would participate in
very
important meetings such as those of Peza, Labinot, Permet, Helmes etc,
those
were the best occasions for me. At least I could see him with my own
eyes and
would satisfy my longing. However, during those days the two of us were
not
able to be alone together very much to talk. This was due not only to
the fact
that he was very busy with work, but also because the war conditions
and Party
norms wouldn’t allow him (nor I, for that matter) to detach himself
from his
duties and spend some hours together as two youngsters in love would
want.
So, in no way should we attract the
attention of
comrades or delegates, regarding the interest that Enver showed with
regards to
me or our relationship. Our relationship was known only to our two families and to the principal leaders of
the Party.
Under these
circumstances, in an unconscious way, I could feel the “difference"
both
in age and political maturity between
Enver and myself. I mention age because, being that much younger than
he, I
required him to write letters to me more often; longer and more
intimate ones.
Due to my age, this was just a whim of mine, but in those difficult
moments
Enver didn’t have the chance and time to reply to these girlish wishes,
as I
would have liked. However, be it from love, or be it from being always
distant
from him, I wanted Enver to write more and more to me, so that through
long and
intimate letters I could feel him closer, talk to him, feel from far
away
through the lines of those letters, his heart beating . . .
For example; he had left a very short
letter for me
in Zaloshnja, near Skrapar, in May 1943 when he had left Tirana to go
to Vlora.
On that specific occasion, he had gone there in order to visit Kucaka
near
Korca. He knew I would be there to participate in the first Conference
of the
Albanian Communist Youth, but since I hadn’t arrived, he had only
jotted down a
few lines for me... . When I arrived, I was given this piece of paper
and, to
tell the truth, I was glowing with happiness. This happiness soon
turned into
anger because the letter was a very brief one. During the months of
July and
August, I spent some time in Skrapar where I received
four other letters from Enver. These were sent to me from
Labinot
and Vithkuq, but they too were very short letters and even contained
work
directives and personal requests. In two letters he would justify
himself
saying he was very busy with work and would promise me that some other
time he
would find the time to write me longer letters.
So, sadness and boredom captured my soul,
because I
missed Enver and I missed his letters as well as his caresses, which
were so
indispensable for the heart of a young woman in love. Some time would
pass
before I got used to it. Certainly, despite, my soul going through
pains and
suffering, I found the strength, hope and faith to wait until the day,
the so
much expected day, of freedom, when we would be together forever. I
tried to
keep myself away from those gloomy moods and sadness and managed to
adjust
myself to new conditions, away from Enver. These months were very
different
from the first ones, when we had just met and fallen in love with each
other in
Tirana. During those days, I had many occasions and opportunities to
meet Enver
quite often and I would stay and talk with him for long periods, be it
at his
sister's place or in any of those bases where we could find shelter, as
I have
previously described in these memoirs.
Our Communist Party was never against true
love or
against stable relationships and the establishment of healthy families.
But
during the Nation Liberation War, attention had to be paid to our
youth. They
had to be monitored, since there were already claims by our enemies in
their
propaganda, deceitful lies regarding the morality of the communists. On
the
other hand, our people were widely sensitive to the behavior of our
youth
within society. It was only due to the discipline exercised by the
communist
party in the partisan army, which encouraged even the most conservative
from
different regions, to send their daughters and sisters to war with
complete
trust in the healthy morality of the communists and the partisans.
There were
only two or three occasions when this discipline broke down, as in the
case of
comrade F.S. in Tirana and that of another comrade from Gjirokaster.
The only
penalty was that they were expelled from the Party. There was also
another
occasion where comrade Ramize Gjebrea
in
Vlora was tragically executed. Our partisan women became friends and
sisters
who would heal the wounds of partisans, would nurse the sick, knit
pullovers,
sew their socks etc. In such a fraternal and sociable atmosphere, round
the
fire for freedom, our healthy love nurtured and strengthened our love
for
freedom. It laid the foundations of many partisan families, created
right after
liberation.
I will stop at a painful occasion when our
comrade,
Ramize Gjebrea, was shot by the firing squad. She has been written and
spoken
about very frequently. Enver in a letter addressed to Nako Spiro regarding this matter among
others,
would say:
“In spite of that little devil
not behaving well, the punishment was really harsh .... .”
This issue became notorious amongst the
comrades of
the Brigade, who were alarmed at the observations of the work of
Ramize, and
regarded in it as an offence and discredit to the army and Party. Thus,
they
made their hasty decision without first asking the Central Committee.
According
to Enver, this issue should have first been discussed with the Central
Committee since he knew that Ramize used to be Nako Spiro’s fiancé, and
he
certainly had the right to have his say.
Ramize’s attitude was harmful (but not to the extent that
warranted such
extreme measures) not because she loved, but because she didn’t show
stability
in the love and the relation she had with Nako, even though he was her
free
choice. With her new love she went beyond the norms of morality, which
were
expected during the war by the Party and by society.
“The issue of free love”, Enver wrote to
Nako, “is a
very delicate issue, and some comrades seem not to have understood
this.
Concerning the delicate issue of love, comrades of the Party and the
Youth
should pay strict attention, since this issue is cuts both ways. If the
issue
of free love is misunderstood by our comrades, then we pass easily into
whore-mongering.
On the other hand, it could also be transformed into a celibate
lifestyle. This
issue has to be clearly introduced to the Youth and the Party through
conferences, because we are not a religious organization, and we should
consider all our work with a progressive perspective".
11. Frequent correspondence
with Enver
The period from March until September,
1943 was
overwhelmed by important political and military events within the
country and
also in the international arena. The first
Conference of the Albanian Communist Party appointed Enver
as
Secretary General. This upgraded his responsibilities with regard to
the
strengthening and establishment of the role and activities of the Party
at the
level of contemporary demands, as well as for the guidance of the Front
of the
National Liberation Antifascist War. He had to travel to Vlora in very
dangerous times, in order to destroy an anti-party fraction of led Sadik Premte. This time was a period
characteristic of the establishment of large fighting groups, partisan
brigades
and the organization of the General Headquarters, which would guide and
take
the National Liberation Army towards general rebellion.
The opening of the second front by the
allies was
expected. Mussolini fell. At this time, organizations of those groups
called
nationalists, such as the National Front and others, called National Zogist Boards, etc, started
to
revitalize and make their moves in order to occupy a place under the
rising sun
of freedom. The Communist Party and the leadership of the National
Liberation
Front required “the fathers of the nation" to become involved in the
war
with concrete actions against the new invaders, the Nazi Germans. For
this reason
the Mukje Meeting was organized, but it was set on a wrong
track because of
political myopia and the tolerance shown by the communist party
delegation and
the National Liberation Front (headed by Ymer
Dishnica and Mustafa Gjinishi).
These two legimtised political heads of
organizations
that had not only never fought against the invaders, but had even
entered into
collaboration with the invaders in both secret and open agreements with
them.
They wanted to show themselves as being the saviors of Albania without
even
firing a shot! They wanted to lead the government of a liberated
Albania even
though it was the blood and the war of the people’s best sons, who had
taken
the responsibility of freeing the country.
In these circumstances, Enver was fully mobilized. According to his letters addressed to members of the Central Committee in Tirana, Gjirokastra, Vlora, Elbasan etc, (the correspondence of this period of time has been published in the first two editions of his works, dealing with the National Liberation War ), he was very concerned about what was happening and what was to be done. Under such conditions, with an overload of work and numerous problems, Enver didn’t even have the time to eat or sleep properly, whereas I, in my romantic mood and nature, wanted him to write to me “long and special letters ... .
In the letters addressed to Nako Spiro, Ymer Dishnica and Gogo Nushi
in
Tirana, Enver was dissatisfied with the quality of work of these
comrades from
the Regional Committee, the Youth and Party organizations. After the
capitulation of Italy and during the euphoric atmosphere it created,
certain
things were tolerated, “which could cost the future and war of Albania
much", Enver stated in his letters. Young partisans and illegals would
enter and exit Tirana and its outskirts, as if the city were liberated.
The
secret locations of the shelters for the illegals were compromised, as
if
(along with the capitulation of the Italians) the administration of
collaborators, agents, spies and mercenaries had been disbanded. But
this
administration was still intact, somewhat disarranged, but awaiting its
new
masters, the German Nazis.
During this period, the Mukje Meeting was
organized. Instead
of enabling the involvement of those nationalist organizations that had
remained outside the National Liberation Front in the armed war against
Nazi
fascists, it turned into a complete fiasco, quite contradictory to the
objectives defined and formulated in the platform of the Central
Committee of
the Albanian Communist Party. Enver’s Papers and correspondence of
those days,
which were surprisingly published (as were the activities of the
Central
Committee and of Enver; such a thing was not done by any of the
communist
parties of Central-Eastern Europe), show how much caution and attention
he paid
to the elaboration of the Mukje Meeting’s Platform. Enver prepared the
Communist Party delegation headed by Ymer Dishnica and Mustafa
Gjinishi.
However, when they fell head over heals into the “trap" set by the
National Front who established a “Committee for National Salvation"
under
their leadership, and also released a pamphlet, Enver 'hit the roof'
and
shouted out “Treachery!".
Enver was kind and considerate with
comrades. This is
also evident from his correspondence with them, through the friendly
jokes he
made with them. But when the Party line was violated and political
mistakes
were made, he didn’t care to know who made the mistakes but took the
necessary
actions.
The same happened with me, too. Being a
member of the
Central Committee of Youth, Political Secretary of Youth for Tirana and
as
such, a member of the Regional Party Committee, the criticism of Enver
rolled
like thunder over my head, even harder than in the conversations we had
had in
Labinot. The criticism continued when he came to Arbana and has been
written
down in the correspondence of that period. I can’t hide it, being an
only
daughter, brought up in a small family, a quiet one living in full
harmony - I
wasn’t used to being scolded. Also, I was never seriously criticized in
my
revolutionary life (not politically at least), apart from general
remarks on
every day work with our Youth, etc. But this time it seemed that I was
overwhelmed by Enver's criticisms. As I
said, I wasn’t used to criticism, and my reaction to them was a great
shock
deep in my soul, since I took them very seriously. Being criticized
made me
feel that I had committed some really bad error. The criticisms
addressed to me
were related to the mistakes made at the Mukje Meeting and the Regional
Committee of Tirana not having intervened in time in order to avoid
those
mistakes. They were also related to the euphoric attitude of the youth
following Mussolini’s collapse and the capitulation of fascist Italy.
In addition,
it had to do with our sub-standard propaganda, especially against the
National
Front’s demagogy and with the other so-called nationalists who saw an
opportunity to try to take power.
All of these criticisms were quite correct and acceptable, so I wrote a letter to Enver about them: “I am especially sorry that I can not give more to the Party". What I couldn’t understand and what made me go through a very difficult spiritual period, was Enver criticizing me even for things I wasn’t responsible for, such as the issue of Mukje. It is true, I was an intellectual with responsibilities in Tirana, I was also member of the Party circuit for Tirana, but I had never been convened to any of the discussions to exchange ideas about this issue, between Ymer Dishica, Gogo Nushi and Nako Spiro, all three of them members of the Central Committee. Even at the Regional Committee, nothing was mentioned about this meeting, or about what was going to be discussed or developed there. Despite this, what upset me more were the instructions Enver gave to comrades in letters or meetings “an order for them to scold me anytime I would make a mistake."
Why would Enver do this? Apparently he was worried that I might become selfish due to my youth and to the relationship we had. So, in two letters he had sent to comrades' of the Central Committee of Party for Tirana, Ymer Dishnica and Gogo Nushi, Enver had used certain criticisms and severe expressions regarding me. This happened not a long after we had fallen in love, and I was somewhat upset. I felt offended since they seemed unfair to me. I still have a short letter, the size of a business card, with relation to this. Ymer Dishnica addresses it to Enver, saying: “What you are writing about the delegate is unfair, but apparently you want us to praise her... ."
Upset by these criticisms which I wasn't
able to
swallow anymore, on September 2nd, 1943, I wrote him a long letter in
which I
said (among other things):
" . . The concern and the way in which you
criticized me during our recent conversation in Arbana, has led me to
believe
that you are rather dissatisfied. Some unthinking words indicated that
you are
disappointed.
. . . I don’t understand why comrades are
told to
always scold me when I make mistakes! They should treat as they do with
all the
others. In my opinion, not for one moment, have I thought to be coddled
just
because I am your fiancé.
I have tried to take lightly and laugh at
the other
instances where you have harshly criticized me, but tonight, I didn’t
really appreciate
the instruction that you gave Gogo.
My Enver - towards the end of the letter -
you should
shake hands in all seriousness, and stop treating me harsher than the
others,
since you are closer to me than they are, apart from your Party
relations .... ."
To this letter, dated September 22nd 1943,
Enver
answered from Arbana of Peza, on September 24th. He started his letter
focusing
on the second part of my letter. He wrote:
My Nexhmije,
Your letter really hurt me, and you appear
to be very
upset with me and my attitude towards you. I understand your
psychological
situation very well and I know your sensitive nature. Certainly there
are
moments where I do overdo my criticism towards you, but this shouldn’t
make you
feel upset. Don’t take my criticism that deeply as to feel tortured by
my
words, ‘I thought you were more clever". Don’t think I am disappointed
with you etc.
Childish!
I wouldn’t want my wife to get upset in
such a
way. I may have been over-critical but
it should be taken as constructive rather than as something upsetting
to you as
you mentioned. It would be better if you were to assume less in the
meaning of
my words, some of which may have been somewhat inappropriate. They were
not
intended to upset you; on the contrary, I wouldn't like you to continue
your
work in such a state. Your soul should be peaceful and joyful since I
have the
best of opinions about you. Of course, my criticisms will continue with
regards
to your work and your development, giving you a helping hand (as you
say in
your letter), but not scorning you. Don’t feel angry with me for often
being
severe with you, since, according to the saying: "the ones loving you,
scold you".
Since I do love you (I am saying I love
you because
you seem to not want to trust me) more than the comrades, I will scold
you more”.
I close this chapter - Enver writes -
saying once
more that
“in the depths of your soul" there
shouldn’t be
any worries or desperation. My Nexhmije, I believe you do this favor to
me”.
And, right there, my Enver without any
ceremony,
proceeds:
“Now I will start chasing you out".... .
I didn’t know whether to laugh or cry
about this
“thunder” in the blue sky. At the time, I cried, but later, anytime I
happened
to read this letter, with regards to the above unexpected “jump”, I would feel like laughing. I remember and
miss a lot the jokes related to our correspondence.
He: “I have written to you more than one
thousand
letters....passionate ones, whereas you…"
I: “You lost all of my letters during the
war,
whereas I preserved yours, despite the Nazi Fascist terrors all over
Tirana."
I am going back to that part of his
letter, in which
he had decided to educate and temper his wife.
“The unit will attack the Germans where
they least
expect it and the guerrillas in the city will attack at the right
moment They
will therefore extensively support the operation from outside and you
will be
surprised...".
...First thing, that they should know is
hat they
will be the guards of the city maintaining order, in order to stabilize
the
situation, to organize food supplies for the people and to manage
communications, etc.
In your communications, you don’t have to
go on using
clichéd comments: “Try to explain
concretely without using big words, e.g. Frontists say:
“Germans are leaving Russia of their own
free
will" “partisans are killing the Italians surrendering to them" etc.,
etc. don’t be too meticulous, just give them a thorough dressing down,
since
they don’t wear gloves when they fight us”.
Subsequently, Enver gave directions and
instructions
as to the function of the National Liberation Councils in the new
situation and
on the role of the youth. Naturally, he ends his letter with kisses and
longing
hugs.
This period of 3-4 months, this “duel" of
letters seemed like summer rain, leaving no traces. To the contrary, it
helped
us to get to know each other better, our characteristics, nature,
personalities
etc.
After a few months had passed; during the
harshest
Nazi German reaction in Tirana, the circuit of the Party with Gogo
Nushi and
other comrades of the Central Committee received orders to take action
in the
outskirts of the city and the surrounding villages. I remained inside
the city
in order to keep up the connections with the Regional Committee as well
as with
comrade Gogo. He in turn would keep the connections with the regions
and
circuits of the Central Committee.
However, this period didn’t last long as the other comrades of
the
circuit and propaganda material had returned to the town. A little
later Nako
Spiro made a proposal to the Central Committee of the Party the result
of which
was that I was assigned a new task. In one of Enver's letters from this
period
he wrote, that I would be appointed to work in the function of
Organizational
Secretary of the Central Youth Committee. I remember him adding these
words at
the end:
"I firmly believe and am fully convinced
that
you will do a perfect job. You will also cover the sector on Women...".
Our correspondence continued like this
until December
1943. At this time it was interrupted because of the situation created
by the
operation of the invading Nazi forces and their mercenaries against our
National Liberation Units and the liberated areas. A difficult
situation was
created for the General Headquarter of the Albanian National Liberation
Army
and even for the British Military Mission
of Gen. Davies. It was a time
when
Tirana was undergoing one of the most difficult periods of the Nazi
invasion. It
culminated with the massacre in February 4th 1944, when, in the night,
84
people were taken from their houses, shot dead, and left on the roads.
They
were young, elderly, good nationalists, anti-fascists and communists.
The National Front also, benefited from
this
ferocious reaction. They attracted some elements from our Youth
Organization who
were frightened. At this moment the Germans offered to these young
people
scholarships to attend school in Germany. I had to visit some of these
young
people in their houses, in order to talk to them and try to convince
them not
to accept the Nazi's offer. This would be tantamount to treachery
towards the
war that they had started.
The leading comrades of the Party didn’t
interrupt their
activities and contacts with the people for a moment. They continued
putting
themselves in danger, because the majority were guerillas and were
wanted and
followed by the enemy. Tirana also felt the huge weight of wild terror,
but,
with an insurmountable feeling of love for the country, the people
successfully
overcame this trial. Tirana houses remained safe bases and fond warm
places for
the Party comrades, for the guerillas and freedom fighters. These
houses gave
everything to fighting the war and eventual victory, continuing to help
us hide
and protect us during the times of the extreme controls exercised by
the enemy
and its spies. The people continued to attend our meetings even in
those
hazardous days of danger and terror and they never broke their
connections with
the people of the Party and the National Liberation Front.
In the meantime the General Headquarters
of the Army
was able to escape the siege of the enemy. They had managed to escape
many
difficulties, which I am not going to mention now as it is not
appropriate.
Much has been written about them. When part of the headquarters were
able to
reach some free areas of Korca, Enver wrote an urgent letter to Gogo
Nushi,
requesting information about the situation in Tirana and other regions
of the
country.
Gogo could have replied immediately with
all the
information requested by Enver and sent it through a messenger in the
way which
had been agreed in advance, but in this case, he showed his generosity
in front
of the comrades. I cannot forget the moment when this kind person, as
we all
knew him, with his big heart, said to the comrades:
“What if we send this information with the
Delegate.
This way we use one stone to kill two birds",
he said smiling.
I hadn’t even thought of such a thing. I
couldn't
hide my excitement and my heart was beating rapidly. A slight blush all
over my
face heated me. I betrayed myself in front of the comrades. They
immediately
understood Gogo’s aim and looking at me in an affectionate way, agreed. So I would have the good luck to take Enver
the letter with the extensive information. I wasn’t guilty of being
overwhelmed
by strong emotions. It had been six months that Enver and I had been
apart, and
very often I was forced to keep within myself, deep in my soul, worries
related
to my beloved. Hundreds of questions would go round my brain: “How is
he?". “Where is he?". "Is he alive?". "How is he
dealing with the frost and the situation in the snow covered
mountains?",
There were all of these worries about Enver and his comrades in
addition to
others concerning the wild wolves, and the Nazis, which I had to
overcome in an
atmosphere of pressure and terror. This situation forced us to move
around the
city daily with revolvers in our bags. At night we would sleep lightly
since we
had to be on the lookout for the enemy and sometimes we slept fully
clothed with revolvers and grenades under
the
pillows, prepared for any eventuality.
It was the beginning of March. Gogo and
Nako prepared
the letters and the information, whereas I could hardly wait to leave
so as to
complete this task and meet Enver. Together with the information about
everything that had happened and our activities in Tirana, I would also
be a
pleasant surprise to Enver. I would stay with him for some time in
Panariti in
Korca.
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