ALLIANCE MARXIST-LENINIST - REPRINT SERIES, 2003.

 

        CPSU(B) POLITBURO AT FUNERAL             MOURNERS RED SQUARE
  

                                     BERIA & STALIN AT BLACK SEA HOLIDAY


    INTRODUCTION By Alliance Marxist-Leninist

    There have been many requests recently to Alliance for a web-edition of this document.

    Comrade Bland often neglected his own writings, even forgetting that he may have researched any topic. Although this article was not printed as an official document of the Communist League (CL), it was a critical part of the corpus of work that Bland performed as the leader of the CL. Against many others, Bland defended the role of Lavrenty Beria , as a Marxist-Leninist. This was and remains, an unpopular stand even amongst those who call themselves Marxist-Leninists.

    Bland's especial expertise was to be able to see behind copious cloaks of words, as spun by revisionists and capitalist agents. This talent of his, is shown with  mastery in this analysis. Data coming out from the Archives of the USSR, appears at last to be corroborating Comrade's Bland’s' views. We propose to shortly publish materials that show this.

    The seizure of power by the Soviet revisionists required certain preliminary measures -- the first of these being the weakening of the securitv organs of the socialist state and their later transfer into the hands of the revisionist conspirators.

    In April 1943 the organ which had been responsible for state security, the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD), which had been headed by the Marxist-Leninist Lavrenti Beria*, was weakened by being split into three parts:

    In 1946, after the conclusion of the Second World War,     was replaced by the concealed revisionist Sergey Kruglov*; and     In 1948 the plans of the conspirators were interrupted by 'the case of the Kremlin doctors'. In this year,     Dr. Timashuk wrote to     As to the date,     and Zhdanov * died in August 1948.

    Although Khrushchev later alleged, in his secret speech to the 20th Congress of the CPSU in February 1956, that:

    Ian Grey assures us that, at the outset,     and Stalin's daughter Svetlana Alliluyeva* confirms:     Nevertheless, Stalin passed these allegations to the state security organs, forces, then in the charge of the Marxist-Leninist Minister of State Security Abakumov. As a result,     and the investigation of Timashuk's allegations soon convinced Stalin of their correctness:     The first arrests resulting from this investigation began as early as December 1950, with the arrest of the diagnostician Yakov Etinger, who had headed a clinic at the First Gradskaya Hospital in Moscow. Etinger's name later (1953) appeared among the accused in the 'doctors' case':     By 1951, therefore, the revisionist conspirators had good reason to feel extremely uneasy about their future. Rumours circulated:     Clearly, urgent action was essential to safeguard both the conspiracy and the conspirators.

    In late 1951, therefore, the revisionist conspirators brought about the dismissal of the Marxist-Leninist Abakumov as Minister of State Security and his replacement by the concealed revisionist Semyon Ignatiev*:

    Boris Levytsky records that:     and sees this move as the:     Shortly afterwards, Abakumov and several dozen of his assistants were arrested on charges of 'lack of vigilance in connection with the 'Leningrad Affair' of 1949-50 (already analysed):     The trumped-up character of the charges against Abakumov and his assistants is obvious from the fact that in December 1954 Abakumov was executed by the same revisionist conspirators on charges which included those of having 'fabricated the "Leningrad Affair"':     But, as we shall see, the removal and arrest of Abakumov did not put a stop to the danger to the conspirators resulting from investigation into the 'doctors' case . They therefore sought to save themselves by making a feint attack on certain Marxist-Leninists.

    In military terminology, a 'feint' is

    The revisionist conspirators selected Transcaucasia for their feint attack not only because it was a long way from the real objective of their attack, Moscow, but also because it was the birthplace of both Stalin and Beria and was regarded as a Marxist-Leninist stronghold. Charles Fairbanks, junior* speaks of Beria's:     and Levytsky notes that at     The attack on the Georgian Marxist-Leninists could only be seen by Marxist-Leninists elsewhere as a groundless provocative attack on them by concealed enemies. The aim of the feint was, when the time was ripe -- that is, when Stalin and his personal secretariat had been rendered powerless to intervene –     The feint began in January 1951 when, as Robert Conquest* points out, Vilian Zodelava was removed as leader of the Georgian Young Communist League. (R. Conquest (1961); p. 140).

    On 24 May 1951:

    In November 1951 the wholesale removal of leading Marxist-Leninists in Georgia began, the offenders being charged with 'embezzlement, car thefts and similar crimes'. The news was leaked to Western diplomats in February 1952:     David Lang* confirms this:     as does John Ducoli*:     Within a few days, in November 1951, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia was announcing that the accusations against some former Georgian leaders had been widened to include 'the protection of criminal officials':     Later, after the ousting of Beria from the leadership in July 1953, the dismissed officials were described as 'supporters of Beria'. As the then First Secretary of the Georgian Central Committee, Akaki Mgeladze, reported to the Georgian Party Congress in September 1952:     All leading Marxist-Leninists in Georgia were removed and replaced by conscious revisionists.

    Then, in April 1952, a Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia dismissed Kandida Charkviani as First Secretary, Rostom Shaduri and Mikhail Baramiya as Second Secretaries, Valerian Bakradze as Deputy Premier, Avksenty Rapava as Minister of Justice, and a number of other prominent Georgian leaders.

    The Plenum elected a new First Secretary -- the concealed revisionist Akak Mgeladze:

    Beria came from Moscow to attend April 1952 Plenum:     The presence of Beria enabled the concealed revisionists to 'let it become known', that is, to spread the completely false story, that the changes in leading personnel which they had brought about in Georgia had been brought about 'on Stalin's instructions':     In fact, the Georgian leaders who were removed were Marxist-Leninists who were supported by Beria and Stalin, and had been elected on their recommendation:     However, the story that the leadership changes had been brought about at the wishes of Beria and Stalin was useful in quashing opposition to the changes. Mgeladze told the Georgian Party Congress in September 1952:     The reasons given as to why Beria and Stalin should have wanted these changes were naturally somewhat nebulous. Mgeladze told the Georgian Young Communist League in May 1952:     This vague allegation was later made more concrete. Later in 1952, someone discovered some critical remarks of Stalin about the danger of nationalism in Georgia.

    The dismissed Marxist-Leninists were now accused of criminal nationalism and were said to have been arrested, linked with those critical remarks made by Stalin about the dangers of nationalism:

    Mgeladze told the Georgian Party Congress on September 1952:     A number of the dismissed Marxist-Leninist leaders were charged with criminal manifestations of Georgian nationalism     Meanwhile, the Marxist-Leninists, realising that the security of the socialist state had suffered a severe setback in Georgia, had the affair investigated through Stalin's 'special secretariat', which as we have seen, functioned as a special security force under the control of the Marxist-Leninists. The special secretrariat uncovered sufficient evidence to establish that the Georgian Minister of State Security, Nikolay Rukhadze, had behaved improperly in the case of the Georgian Marxist-Leninists. As a result, in July 1952 the revisionists were compelled to dismiss Rukhadze, although they were able to resist his arrest and any reversal of his actions in 'the Georgian feint' until the following April:     Despite the removal and arrest of Abakumov, the intervention of Stalin's personal secretariat ensured that investigation into the 'doctors' case’ continued. Isaac Deutscher' confirms that:     Ignatiev, therefore, remained aloof from the investigation into the ‘doctors’ case’, leaving the conduct of this to his Deputy, the Marxist-Leninist Ryumin:     Ryumin had formerly headed the State Security Section of Stalin’s personal secretariat:     As a result of the findings in this investigation,     On 13 January 1953 'Pravda' carried the report of the arrest of     Nine doctors were named as 'among the participants in this terrorist group, namely:     Of the accused persons, Vladimir Vinogradov* was     Mikhail and Boris Kogan were brothers, while Miron Vovsi was a relative of the Jewish actor 'Solomon Mikhoels’, whose real surname was Vovsi.

    The doctors were charged with having murdered in this way Andrey Zhadnov and Alelsandr Scherbakov*, and with attempting to murder Marshals Aleksandr Vasilevsky*, Leonid Covorov*, and Ivan Konev, together with General Sergey Shtemenko* and Admiral Cordey Iavchenko*.

    It was alleged that

    The full name of 'JOINT' was the 'American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee', founded in the United States in November 1914 by the fusion of three committees, ostensibly as an international charity for the assistance of Jews throughout the world.

    The announcement concluded:

    An editorial in ''Pravda' on the same day reminded people that in the 1930s a group of doctors involved in a concealed revisionist conspiracy had admitted at their public trial to murdering a number of leading Soviet Marxist-Leninists by administering deliberately incorrect medical treatment to them:     The original statement had stated that:     and, in his secret speech to the 20th Congress of the CPSU in February 1956, Khrushchev declared:     And after their release by the revisionist conspirators following Stalin's death in March 1953, the doctors admitted that their confessions had been genuine:     Furthermore, the released doctors testified that their confessions had not been brought about as a result of the application of: The determination of the Soviet Marxist-Leninists to proceed with the 'doctors' case' made it an urgent matter of life and death for the revisionist conspirators to halt the proceedings in the case by destroying Stalin's personal secretariat as a necessary preliminary to destroying Stalin himself.     We have noted the role of Stalin's personal secretariat -- also known as the 'Special Sector' of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Party -- in bringing about the treason trials of the 1930s. But this body also played an important role in defending from terrorist attack the Marxist-Leninist nucleus, headed by Stalin, at the heart of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

    The special sector had been headed since 1928 by the Marxist-Leninist Aleksandr Poskrebyshev*:

    while Lieutenant-General Nikolay Vlasik*     Dmitri Volkogonov* asserts that Pokrebyshev     and Levtysky confirms that:     Conquest asserts that Poskrebyshev was:     Volkogonov says of Vlasik:     and Robert McNeal* says that     It was clear, therefore, that a successful terrorist attack on Stalin required the prior elimination of the faithful Poskrebyshev and Vlasik.

    Walter Laqueur* states:

    and Nikita Khrushchev tells how this 'fall from grace' was brought about. He describes how, during the winter of 1952-53, he came under suspicion of leaking secret documents, and how he succeeded in deflecting the blame from himself in such a way that it fell upon Poskrebyshev:     Niels Rosenfeldt confirms that     as does Adam Ulam*:     Volkogonov states that     and McNeal confirms that     Deriabin agrees that the charges of disloyalty levelled at Poskrebyshev and Vlasik were completely false:     The revisionist conspirators placed Poskrebyshev under house arrest:     while Vlasik was expelled from the Party and sent to Sverdlovsk ts deputy commandant of a labour camp:     Vlasik came to Moscow and:     Volkogonov confirms that Vlasik     and records that, during Vlasik's interrogation, pressure was exerted on him:     Ulam confirms that     and Stalin's daughter, Svetlana Alliluyeva*, tells the same story:
    "Shortly before my father died even some of his intimates were disgraced: the perenniel Vlasik was sent to prison in the winter of 1952 and my father's personal secretary Poskrebyshev, who had been with him for twenty years, was removed".
    (S. Alliluyeva: 'Twenty Letters to a Friend'; London; 1967; p. 216).
    However, the attack on the defence system around Stalin was not confined to the elimination of Poskrebyshev and Vlasik. During 1952 the concealed revisionists set up:
    ". . . . a commission to investigate. . . the entire state security apparatus".
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 317).
    This commission:
    " . . . proceeded . . . to cut Stalin's bodyguards to the bone. . . .
    About seven thousand men were dropped from the original Okhrana force of some seventeen thousand. . , .
    When the slashing was finished, Stalin's personal bodyguards, Okhrana No. 1, had been cut to half strength".
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 317, 318, 319).
    This left Stalin
    " . . . guarded by . . . only a small group of officers. . . . a group that had little security experience, especially as bodyguards, and one that was headed by a mere major".
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 319).
    Rosenfeldt adds that about this time the special guard service, whose task was to ensure Stalin's personal safety, after 'a thorough purging and a big reduction in personnel', together with the Kremlin Command and the Kremlin Medical Administration, were all made subordinate to the revisionist controlled Ministry of State Security:
    "The special guard service, whose job it was to ensure Stalin's personal safety, was made subordinate to the Ministry of State Security (MGB) in 1952 after a thorough purging and a big reduction in personnel. At the same time and in the same way the Kremlin Command and the Kremlin Medical Administration were put under MGB control".
    (N. E. Rosenfeldt: op. cit .; p. 196).
    Then, on 17 February 1953, two weeks before Stalin himself died, the sudden death was reported of the Major-General Petr Kosynkin, Deputy Commandant of the Kremlin Guards, in charge of the operational arrangements for guarding Stalin:
    "On 15 February 1953, shortly before Stalin's death, the commander of the Kremlin guard, Major-General Pyotr Kosynkin, who was responsible for Stalin's personal safety, died".
    (B. Levytsky: op. cit.; p. 212).

    "The Deputy Commandant of the Kremlin, Major-General Kosynkin, in charge of the operational arrangements for guarding Stalin, died of a heart attack two weeks before Stalin. Or so the announcement said".
    (P. Deriabin & F. Gibney: 'The Secret World'; New York; 1959; p. 169).

    "The Vice-Chief of the Kremlin Command, Major-General Petr Kosynkin, passed away prematurely' on 15th February 1953".
    (N. E. Rosenfeldt: op. cit.; p. 196).

    "On February 17 1953 . . . Major General Petr Kosynkin, the deputy Commander of the Kremlin Guard, suddenly died of a heart attack. That sudden seizure was rather unusual, to say the least. A fanatical admirer of Stalin, Kosynkin had been in the prime of life and health. . . . The extremely careful physical examinations regularly undergone by all such appointees as Kosynkin automatically presuppose that the guard leader was in top condition and certainly not suffering from any heart trouble. . .
    On February 17, 1953 there came a report, generally unnoticed at the time, that the Deputy Kremlin Commandant, General Kosynkin, the only remaining guard that Stalin could trust, had suddenly died of a 'heart attack"'.
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 239, 325).

    Finally, on 21 February 1953
    ". . . . a most significant change was made in the Army High Command. General Sergey Shtemenko was replaced by Marshal Vasily Sokolovsky as Chief of Staff of the Soviet armed forces. . . . And concurrently with Shtemenko's replacement, the Okhrana bodyguards were removed from the general staff".
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit,.; p. 325).

    "The Chief of the Armed Forces General Staff, Sergey Shtemenko, was removed from his post about the same time (mid-February 1953 -- Ed)".
    (N. E. Rosenfeldt: op. cit.; p. 196).

    Deriabin sums up this 'process of stripping Stalin of all his personal security’ as ‘a studied and very ably handled business':
    "That completed the process of stripping Stalin of all personal security, except for the comparative window-dressing of the minor Okhrana officers in his office and household. This had been a studied and very ably handled business: the framing of Abakumov, the dismissal of Vlasik, the discrediting of Poskrebyshev, the emasculation of the Okhrana and its enforced subservience to the (revisionist-controlled -- Ed.) MGB, Kosynkin's 'heart attack', the replacement of Shtemenko and the removal of the general staff from the last vestiges of Okhrana control. And certainly not to be forgotten at this juncture was the MGB control of the Kremlin medical office."
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 325-26).
    and one which placed the conspirators finally in the drivers's seat:
    "With state security and the armed forces under their command, the connivers were finally in the driver's seat".
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 326).

    Part 2: The Death of Stalin (1953)

    On 3 March 1953 a joint statement of the Central Committee of the CPSU and of the USSR Council of Ministers announced
    " . a great misfortune which has befallen our Party and our people".
    (Communique, 3 March 1953, in: 'Pravda' and 'Izvestia', 4 March 1953; p. 1, in: 'Current Digest of the Soviet Press', Volume 5, No. 6 (21 March 1953); p. 4).
    It reported that:
    ". . . during the night of March 1-2 Comrade Stalin, while in his Moscow apartment, had a haemorrhage of the brain, which affected vital parts of his brain. Comrade Stalin lost consciousness.
    Paralysis of the right arm and leg developed. Loss of speech occurred. Serious disturbances developed in the functioning of the heart and breathing.
    The best medical personnel have been called in to treat Comrade Stalin. . . .
    'Treatment of Comrade Stalin is under the constant supervision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet government".
    (Government Statement, 3 March 1953, in: 'Pravda ' and 'Izvestia', 4 March 1953; p. 1, in: ibid.; p. 4).
    In the early hours of the following morning, 4 March, a medical bulletin was issued which stated:
    "At 2 a.m. 4 March, J. V. Stalin's conditions remains serious. Considerable disturbances of breathing is observed; frequency of breathing is 36 per minute and the rhythm of breathing is irregular, with periodic prolonged pauses.
    It is observed that pulse beats are up to 120 a minute and there is complete arrhythmia. Maximum blood pressure is 220, minimum 120.
    Temperature is 38.2 (Centigrade -- Ed.). In connection with the disturbed breathing and blood circulation, inadequacy of organs is observed. The degree of disturbance of the function of the brain has increased somewhat.
    At the present time a series of therapeutic measures are being applied to restore the vitally important functions of the organism".
    (Medical Bulletin, 4 March 1953, in: ibid.; p. 4).
    A second bulletin was issued on the morning of 5 March:
    "During the past twenty-four hours the state of health of Josef Vissarionovich Stalin remained grave. Arteriosclerosis, which developed during the night of March 1-2 on the basis of hypotonia and cerebral haemorrhage in his left brain hemisphere, has resulted, apart from the right-side paralysis of limbs and loss of consciousness, in impaired stem section of the brain, accompanied by disturbances of the vital functions of breathing and blood circulation.
    During the night of March 3-4, disturbed breathing and blood circulation continued. The greatest changes were observed An the breathing functions.
    Instances of periods of so-called Cheyne-Stokes breathing became more frequent. In connection with this, the condition of the blood circulation deteriorated and the degree of lack of oxygen increased.
    Systematic introduction of oxygen and of medicines which regulate breathing and the action of the heart vessels gradually somewhat improved the condition and on the morning of March 4 the degree of lack of breathing was somewhat reduced.
    Further, during the day of March 4, grave breathing disturbances recommenced. The rate of breathing was 36 per minute. Blood pressure continued to remain high (210 maximum, 110 minimum), with pulse 108-116 per minute, irregular, fluttering and arrhythmic.
    The heart is not unduly enlarged. During the past twenty-four hours, fundamental changes in the condition of the lungs and organs of the peritoneal cavity were established. Albumen and red blood corpuscles were found in the normal ratio.
    When blood was tested, increase in the number of white corpuscles to the extent of up to 17,000 was observed. Temperature during the morning and afternoon rose to 38.6.
    Medical measures taken during March 4 consisted of introducing oxygen, camphor compounds, caffeine and glucose. For the second time, leeches were used to draw blood.
    In connection with the raised temperature and high leucocytosis, penicillin therapy, which has been carried out for prophylactic purposes since the beginning of the illness, was intensified.
    Towards the end of March 4 the state of health of Josef V. Stalin continues grave.
    The patient is in a state of deep unconsciousnness.
    Nervous regulation of breathing, as well as cardiac action, continues to be greatly impaired".
    (Medical Bulletin, 2 a.m., 5 March 1953. in: 'Pravda' and 'Izvestia', 5 March 1953; p. 1, in: ibid.; p. 4).
    A third medical bulletin was issued in the morning of 5 March 1953 and published in the press on 6 March. It reported the worsening of Stalin's condition:
    "During the night and the first half of March 5, J. V. Stalin's condition became worse. Acute disturbances in the cardio-vascular system have been added to the impairment of vital functions of the brain. For three hours this morning there was serious respiratory deficiency, which yielded with difficulty to the proper therapeutics.
    At eight this morning there developed signs of an acute cardiovascular deficiency, a collapse. The blood pressure dropped, the pulse quickened. There was an increase in pallor. Emergency treatment eliminated these developments.
    An electrocardiogram taken at 11 a.m. revealed acute disturbances in the blood circulation in the coronary arteries of the heart with lesions in the back wall of the heart. (The electrocardiogram taken March 2 had not established such changes). At 11.30 a.m. there was a second serious collapse, which was eliminated with difficulty by the proper medical treatment. Later in the day, the cardiovascular disturbances subsided to some extent. but the patient's general condition remained extremely grave.
    At 4 p.m. the blood pressure ranged from a maximum of 160 to a minimum of 100. The pulse was 120 per minute and arrhythmic. The rate of respiration: 36 per minute. Temperature: 37.6. The leucocyte count: 21,000. Treatment at present is aimed primarily at combatting the disturbances in respiration and blood circulation, specifically coronary circulation".
    (Medical Bulletin, 4 p.m., 5 March 1953. in: 'Pravda' and 'Izvestia', 6 March; p. 1; in: ibid.; p. 5).
    Finally, on 6 March came the medical report carrying the announcement of Stalin's death:
    "On the afternoon of March 5 the condition of the patent deteriorated especially rapdly; respiration became shallow and much faster, the pulse reached 140-150 beats per minute and pulse pressure dropped.
    At 2150 hours , with cardiac failure and growing insufficiency of breathing, J. V. Stalin died". (Medical Bulletin, 6 March 1953, in 'Pravda' and 'Izvestia', 6 March 1953. p. 1, in: ibid.; p. 5).
    The medical report was published together with a joint tribute from the Central Committee, the government and the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet:
    "The heart of Lenin's comrade-in-arms and the inspired continuer of Lenin's cause, the wise leader and teacher of the Communist Party and the Soviet people -- Josef Vissarionovich STALIN -- has stopped beating.
    STALIN's name is boundlessly dear to our Party, to the Soviet people, to the working people of the world. . . . Continuing Lenin's immortal cause, Comrade STALIN led the Soviet people to the world-historic triumph of socialism in our land. Comrade STALIN led our country to victory over fascism in the second world war, which wrought a radical change in the entire international situation. Comrade STALIN armed the Party and the entire people with a great and clear programme of building communism in the USSR.
    The death of Comrade STALIN, who devoted all his life to the great cause of communism, constitutes a great loss to the Party and to the working people of the Soviet land and of the whole world".
    (Joint Statement of CC of CPSU, USSR Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, in: 'Pravda' and 'Izvestia', 6 March 1953; p. 1, in: ibid.; p. 5).
    On 7 March 1953 the report of the autopsy on Stalin's body was published. It was stated that it
    " . . . entirely confirmed the diagnosis established by the professors of medicine who treated J. V. Stalin".
    (Pathological and Anatomical Examination of the Body of Josef Stalin, in: 'Pravda', 7 March 1953. in: G. Bortoli: 'The Death of Stalin'; London; 1975; p. 209).
    and
    ". . . established the irreversible character of J. V. Stalin's illness since the appearance of the cerebral haemorrhage".
    (Pathological and Anatomical Examination of the Body of Josef Stalin, in: ibid.; p. 209).
    The full report stated:
    "As the result of a pathological and anatomical examination, an important centre of haemorrhage was discovered in the region of the subcortical centres of the left hemisphere of the brain. This haemorrhage destroyed important areas of the brain and provoked irreversible disturbances of the respiration and circulation. Besides the cerebral haemorrhage, observation was made of a considerable hypertonic disturbance of the left ventricle of the heart, important haemorrhages of the cardiac muscle, and in the mucous of the stomach and intestine, and arteriosclerotic modifications of particularly important vessels in the brain's arteries. This process was the result of high blood pressure. The results of the pathological and anatomical examination have entirely confirmed the diagnosis establised by the professors of medicine who treated J. V. Stalin.
    The facts of the pathologico-anatomical examination have established the irreversible character of J. V. Stalin's illness since the appearance of the cerebral haemorrhage. That is why the energetic measures of the treatment could not produce positive results, nor prevent the fatal outcome".
    (Ibid.; p. 209).
    There are a number of circumstances connected with the death of Stalin which make it, in forensic terms, 'a suspicious death' :

    Firstly, Stalin appeared to be in excellent health immediately prior to the beginning of March:

    "And what of Stalin himself? In the pink of,condition. In the best of spirits. That was the word of three foreigners who saw him in February - Bravo, the Argentine Amassador; Menon, the Indian, and Dr. Kitchlu, an Indian active in the peace movement".
    (H. Salisbury: 'Stalin's Russia and After'; London; 1952; p. 157).
    Secondly, on the night of 1-2 March there was a long delay in obtaining medical help for Stalin:
    "Khrushchev does not mention specific times, but his narrative makes it incredible that the doctors arrived much before 5 a.m. on 2 March. This is many hours, perhaps twelve, after the seizure. . . .
    It is not true that he was under medical care soon after the seizure".
    (R. H. McNeal: op. cit ; p. 304).

    "There is a mystery about what had happened to Stalin, His guards had become alarmed when he had not asked for his evening snack at 11 p.m. . . . The security men picked him up and put him on a sofa, but doctors were not summoned until the morning.
    Stalin lay helpess and untreated for the better part of a day, making recuperative treatment much harder. . . .
    Why did the Party leaders prolong the delay? Some historians see evidence of premeditated murder. Abdurakhman Avtorhanov sees the cause in Stalin's visible preparation of a purge to rival those of the thirties".
    (J. Lewis & P. Whitehead: 'Stalin: A Time for Judgement'; London; 1990; p. 179).

    "Only on the next morning . . . did the first physicians arrive".
    (W. Laqueuer: op. cit.; p. 151).

    "Physicians were finally brought in to the comatose leader after a twelve- or fourteen hour interval".
    (D. Volkogonov: op. cit.; p. 513).

    Thirdly, there was a deliberate lie in the announcement of his death, which was stated to have taken place 'in his Moscow apartment', whereas it actually occurred in his dacha at Kuntsevo, Adam Ulam asserts that a:
    " . . . conspiratorial air coloured the circumstances of Stalin's death. The belated communique announcing his stroke was emphatic that it had occurred in his quarters in the Kremlin. Yet it was to his country villa . . . that his daughter Svetlana was summoned on March 2 to be by his deathbed. . . . He was stricken away from Moscow. . . .
    The official communique' lied about the place where Stalin had suffered the fatal stroke and died. . . .
    There was an obvious reason behind the falsehood; his successors feared that a true statement about where he was at the time of the seizure would lead to rumours . . . that the stroke had occurred while he was being kidnapped or incarcerated by the oligarchs. Crowds might surge on the Kremlin, demanding an accounting of what had been done to their father and protector".
    (A. B. Ulam: op. cit.; p. 4, 700, 739).
    Fourthly, as we have seen, the revisionist conspirators had an ample and urgent motive -- that of self-preservation -- for eliminating Stalin:
    "For many leading Soviet statesmen and officials, Stalin's demise . . . came in the nick of time. Whether or not it was due to natural causes is another matter".
    (D. M. Lang: op. cit,; p. 262).

    "What a strange quirk of fate, I thought, that Stalin should lie dying just a few weeks after the Kremlin's own doctors had been accused of plotting precisely such a death. A very strange and curious quirk of fate.
    But was it just a quirk? . . . Was it possible that these powerful and able Soviet leaders, together with their colleagues in the Army, had stood idly by and taken no steps to halt the creeping terror that was certain to destroy almost all of them. . . .
    While murder cannot be proved, there was no question that motive for murder existed. . . . For . . . if Stalin were dying a natural death. it was the luckiest thing that had ever happened to the men who stood closest to him".
    (H. Salisbury: op. cit.; p. 160-61).

    Fifthly, it is necessary to take into account the circumstantial evidence of the series of measures undertaken by the conspirators in the months prior to Stalin's death to destroy the system of defences that had surrounded him.
    It is not surprising, therefore, within weeks of Stalin's death, rumours should circulate that he had been murdered:
    "There were rumours, above all in Georgia, that Stalin had been poisoned".
    (W. Laqueur: op. cit.; p, 151).
    Robert Conquest speaks of the:
    " . . . possibilities that he was killed".
    (R. Conquest (1961): p. 172).
    As Stalin's former bodyguard Vlasik was leaving Moscow after his dismissal, Stalin's son Vasily* is reported to have cried out:
    "'They are going to kill him! They are going to kill him!'. By 'they' he meant . . . other members of the Political Bureau, and by 'him' he meant his father".
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 321).

    "Stalin's son Vasily kept coming in and shouting 'They've killed my father, the bastards!"'.
    (D. Volkogonov: op. cit.; p. 774).

    Although Vasily was an alcoholic, when he continued to make these accusations publicly, he was arrested in April 1953 in order, as his sister Svetlana puts it, 'to isolate him':
    "After my father's death, he (Vasily -- Ed.) . . . was arrested. This happened because he had threatened the government, he talked that 'my father was killed by his rivals' and all things like that, and always many people around him -- so they decided to isolate him. He stayed in jail till 1961 . . . and soon he died".
    (S. Alliluyeva: ‘Only One Year’; London: 1969 (hereafter listed as ‘S. Alliluyeva (1969); p. 202).

    "He (Vasily Ed.) was convinced that our father had been 'poisoned' or 'killed'.
    Throughout the period before the funeral . . . he accused the government, the doctors and everybody in sight of using the wrong treatment on my father.. . .
    He was arrested on April 18th, 1953. . . .
    A military collegium sentenced him to eight years in jail.
    He died on March 19th, 1962".
    (S. Alliluyeva (1967): p. 222-23, 224, 228).

    Georges Bortoli* comments:
    "Vasily Stalin had said aloud what the others were thinking to themselves. In less than a month, all sorts of rumours would begin to circulate in Moscow, and people would begin speaking of a crime. . . . .Some people said that several members of Stalin's entourage were threatened by the coming purge. Had they taken steps to forestall it?".
    (G. Bortoli: op. cit.; p. 151).
    Robert Conquest and other commentators have drawn attention also to the sudden illness and death of the Czechoslovak leader, the Marxist-Leninist Klement Gottwald*, shortly after visiting Moscow to attend Stalin's funeral, and have suggested that this death too had been induced. Gottwald was succeeded as President of Czechoslovakia by the concealed revisionist Antonin Zapotocky*:
    "Many commentators have noted that immediately after Stalin's death, Gottwald . . . also fell ill while attending Stalin's funeral in Moscow, and died a few days later; and they have cast doubt on the naturalness of Gottwald's illness".
    (R. Conquest (1961): p. 174).
    The Albanian leader, the Marxist-Leninist Enver Hoxha* makes the same point:
    "Immediately after the death of Stalin, Gottwald died. This was a sudden, surprising death! It had never crossed the mind of those who knew Gottwald that this strong, agile, healthy man would die of a flu or a chill allegedly caught on the day of Stalin's funeral".
    (E. Hoxha: 'The Khrushchevites'; Tirana; 1984 (hereafter listed as 'E. Hoxha (1984)'); p. 153-54).
    Hoxha also draws attention to the suspicious death of the Polish leader, the Marxist-Leninist Boleslaw Beirut* on 12 March 1957
    " . . . in Moscow where he was attending the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party". ('Keesing's Contemporary Archives', Volume 10; p. 14,767).
    and was succeeded by the concealed revisionist Edward Ochab:
    "Later came the equally unexpected death of Comrade Beirut. Edward Ochab replaced Beirut in the point of First Secretary of the Party. Thus Khrushchev's old desire was realised".
    (E. Hoxha (1984): p. 153-65).
    It was Ochab who arranged for the release of the imprisoned revisionist Wladyslaw Gomulka in April and his promotion to the post of First Secretary in October.

    Hoxha, in fact, explicitly accuses the revisionist conspirators of the murder of Stalin:

    "This cosmopolitan huckster (Anastas Mikoyan -- Ed.) . . . as history showed, plotted with Nikita Khrushchev against Stalin, whom they had decided to murder. He admitted this with his own mouth in February 1960".
    (E. Hoxha (1984): p. 63-64).

    "All this villainy emerged soon after the death, or to be more precise after the murder, of Stalin. I say after the murder of Stalin, because Mikoyan himself told me . . . that they, together with Khrushchev and their associates, had decided . . . to make an attempt on Stalin's life".
    (E. Hoxha: 'With Stalin: Memoirs'; Tirana; 1979; p. 31).

    The Aborted Coup (1953)

    As we have noted, in the years immediately prior to Stalin's death, the security forces were under the control of concealed revisionists, not of Marxist-Leninists:
    "Prior to Stalin's death the Ministries of State Security and of Interior were not under Beria's control".
    (R. Conquest, (1961): p. 200).
    Clearly, it was a matter of great concern to the revisionist conspirators that, in any readjustment of responsibilities following Stalin's death, control of the security forces should not pass again under Marxist-Leninist control.

    Khrushchev records a discussion with fellow-revisionist Nikolay Bulganin* by Stalin's death-bed on the danger to their plans if the Marxist-Leninist Lavrenty Beria were to become again Minister in control of the. security services:

    "'Stalin's not going to pull through. . . . You know what posts Beria will take for himself?'
    'Which one?'
    'He will try and make himself Minister of State Security. No matter what happens, we can't let him do this. If he becomes Minister of State Security it will be the beginning of the end for us'.
    Bulganin said he agreed with me",
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 319).
    As we have seen, Stalin died 9. 50 p.m. on 5 March. The revisionists immediately used their control of the security forces to prepare for a coup. The American journalist Harrison Salisbury was an eye-witness of how, shortly before 6 a.m. the next morning:
    " . . . smooth and quiet convoys of trucks were slipping into the city. Sitting cross-legged on wooden benches in the green-painted trucks were detachments of blue-and-red-capped MVD troops -- twenty-two to a truck -- the special troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. . . . The fleeting thought entered my mind that, perhaps, a coup d'etat might be in the making.
        By nine o'clock . . . the Internal Affairs troops were everywhere in the centre of the city. . . . In upper Gorky Street columns of tanks made their appearance. . . . All the troops and all the trucks and all the tanks belonged to the special detachments of the MVD. Not a single detachment of regular Army forces was to be seen.
        Later I discovered that the MVD had, in fact, isolated almost the whole city of Moscow. . .
        By ten or eleven o'clock of the morning of March 6, 1953 no one could enter or leave the heart of Moscow except by leave of the MVD. .
        MVD forces had taken over the city. . . .
        Could any other troops enter the city? Not unless they had the permission of the MVD or were prepared to fight their way through, street by street, barricade by barricade".
    (H. Salisbury: op. cit.; p. 163-64, 166, 171, 173).
    Robert Conquest paints a very similar picture:
    "The streets of Moscow were solid with MVD troops when Stalin's death was announced". (R. Conquest (1961): p. 200).
    as does Peter Deriabin:
    "Even before Stalin's body was cold, . . . MGB troops . . . not only set up controls and halted traffic, including pedestrians, on every principal capital thoroughfare, but had also ringed the Kremlin".
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 328).
    But the Marxist-Leninists succeeded, for the moment, in foiling the planned coup by mobilising sufficient support to call for the following day, 7 March, a joint emergency meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, the Council of Ministers and the USSR Supreme Soviet. In these circumstances the revisionist conspirators lost their nerve and judged it expedient to postpone their planned coup and refrain from opposing the election of Beria as the Minister in charge of state security, an appointment which obviously had majority support among the leadership:
    "Beria immediately proposed Malenkov for Chairman of the Council of Ministers (Premier -- Ed.). On the spot, Malenkov proposed that Beria be appointed first deputy. He also proposed the merger of the Ministries of State Security and Internal Affairs into a single Ministry of Internal Affairs, with Beria as Minister. . . . I was silent. . . . Bulganin was silent too. I could see what the attitude of the others was. If Bulganin and I objected . . ., we would have been accused of starting a fight in the Party before the corpse was cold".
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1961): p. 324).

    The Exculpation of the Doctors (1953)

    After the death of Stalin, the most urgent and immediate task which faced the revisionist conspirators was to exculpate the doctors -- not, of course, because they were innocent but, on the contrary, because they were guilty and because further investigation into the case could well lead to the exposure of the highly-placed ring-leaders of the conspiracy.

    As we have said, in order to confuse the Marxist-Leninists and the Soviet public as to the real motives behind a move to exculpate the doctors, this move was taken as part of a blanket action to 'correct miscarriages of justice’. In other words, the 'doctors' case' was linked to the 1951-52 Georgian feint, which they themselves had engineered, and this latter genuine miscarriage of justice was now temporarily corrected at the same time as the doctors were exculpated. As further camouflage, the revisionist conspirators temporarily supported moves demanded by, and strengthening the position of, the Marxist-Leninists -- notably, the dismissal of the Russian chauvinist Leonid Melnikov* as First Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party.

    The decision to exculpate the doctors was taken in March 1953, only days after Stalin's death, since the name of one of the accused doctors (Boris Preobrazhensky) reappeared in the issue of the journal 'Vestnik Oto-Rino-Laringology' which was published on 31 March. (R. Conquest (1961): p. 206).

    On 3 April 1953, the Soviet press carried a sensational communique issued in the name of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs which announced the exculpation and release from custody of the arrested doctors:

    "The USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs has carried out a thorough investigation of all preliminary investigation data and other material in the case of the group of doctors accused of sabotage, espionage and terrorist acts against active leaders of the Soviet state.
    The verification has established that the accused in this case . . .
    were arrested by the former Ministry of State Security incorrectly and
    without any lawful basis. . . .
    The . . . accused in this case have been completely exonerated of the accusations against them….. . and have been freed from imprisonment".
    (Communique of USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, in: 'Pravda' and 'Izvestia', 3 April 1953; p. 4, in: 'Current Digest of the Soviet Press', Volume 5 , No. 10 (18 April 1953); p. 3).
     
    The communique went on to explain away the confessions of the accused doctors by implying that they had been procured by means of torture:
    "The testimony of the arrested, allegedly confirming the accusations against them, was obtained by the officials of the investigatory department of the former Ministry of State Security through the use of impermissible means of investigation which are strictly forbidden under Soviet law. . . .
    The persons accused of incorrect conduct of the investigation have been arrested and held criminally responsible".
    (Communique of USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, in: ibid.; p. 3).
    On the same day, the press reported that
    " . . . the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet has resolved to annul the decree of January 20, 1953, awarding Dr. Lydia Timashuk the Order of Lenin. The award has been declared invalid in connection with fresh evidence that has since come to light".
    (Decision of Presidium of USSR Supreme Soviet, in: Y. Rapoport: op. cit.; p. 188).
    Dr. Timashuk was not, however, prosecuted for attempting to pervert the course of justice, and
    " . . . shortly after the April events, she resumed work at the Kremlin Hospital. . . . She reappeared in her office, apparently unperturbed".
    (Y. Rapoport: op. cit.; p. 191-92).

    The Reversal of the Georgian Feint (1953)

    As we have seen, in the government reorganisation of 7 March which followed the death of Stalin, the Marxist-Leninists temporarily regained control of the state security forces:
    "On the morrow of the death (of Stalin -- Ed.) . . ., Beria reclaimed control of the organs of state security, which had gradually been wrested from his hand during Stalin's last years".
    (A. B. Ulam: op. cit.; p. 540).
    As part of the strategy of attempting to deceive the Marxist-Leninists and the Soviet public as to the real aims of the revisionist conspirators, the Marxist-Leninists were permitted to bring about the removal of the revisionists from the leading positions they had acquired in Georgia in the feint of 1951-52, that is, temporarily to reverse the feint.
    "In April 1953, Beria carried out a counter-purge in Georgia".
    (H. Fairbanks, junior: op. cit.; p. 163).
    On 14 April 1953 the Georgian Central Committee dismissed Akaki Mgeladze as First Secretary, and Mgeladze admitted that the charges of 'nationalist deviation' which he had levelled against the former Marxist-Leninist leaders had been fabricated:
    "Beria now moved with speed. . . . A plenary session of the Georgian Communist Party was held on 14 April 1953, which dismissed the Party Secretariat headed by A. L. Mgeladze and established a new one under an official named Mirtskhulava. Beria's old protege Valerian Bakradze, whom Mgeladze had dismissed from government office, now became Prime Minister of the Georgian Republic. Several prominent supporters of Beria whom Mgeladze and his faction had imprisoned, were released and given portfolios in the Bakradze administration. The ousted First Secretary, Mgeladze, made an abject confession, declaring that charges of nationalist deviation which he had levelled against high-ranking Georgian Bolsheviks were based on false evidence. . . . N. Rukhadze, Georgian Minister of State Security, who had aided and abetted Mgeladze, was imprisoned".
    (D. M. Lang: op. cit.; p. 263).
    On 15 April:
    " . . . the Chief Minister of the Georgian Soviet Republic (M. Valerian Bakradze) announced . . . that the Georgian Minister of State Security (M. Rukhadze) and two former secretaries-general of the Georgian Communist Party (MM. Mgeladze and Charkviani) had been dismissed from their posts, arrested and would be 'severely punished' for fabricating 'trumped up' charges against former leading members of the Georgian Government and Communist Party. . . . At the same time he announced that three former Ministers who had been dismissed at Rukhadze's instigation would be immediately restored to their former posts; that the Ministries of Internal Security and State Security would be welded into a single Ministry; and that this Ministry would be headed by M. Vladimir Dekanozov. . . .
    M. Bakradze, who was addressing a meeting of the Georgian Supreme Soviet, said that . . . a number of innocent persons had fallen victim to baseless charges of 'bourgeois nationalism"'.
    ('Keesing's Contemporary Archives', Volume 9; p. 13,029).
    On 16 April 'Zarya Vostoka' reported a speech by Bakradze in which he said:
    "'It has now been fully established by the organs concerned that . . . the enemy of the people and Party, former Minister of State Security N. M. Rukhadze, had cooked up an entirely false and provocative affair concerning a non-existent nationalism whose victims were eminent workers of our republic. . . . Rukhadze and his accomplices have been arrested and will be severely punished"'.
    ('Zarya Vostoka', 16 April 1953, in: R. Conquest (1961): p. 145).
    On 21 April Vilian Zodelava, released from prison, was made First Deputy Prime Minister and elected to the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Georgian Party:
    "Mr. Zodelava was one of three leading Georgian Party members who had been jailed on false charges declared to have been concocted by Mr. Rukhadze. . . .
    Released from jail, he has been made First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers (First Deputy Premier --Ed.) and has been elected to the Bureau of the Georgian Communist Party's Central Committee".
    ('New York Times', 22 April 1953; p. 14).
    On this date, 'Zarya Vostoka' reported that:
    " . a plenary session of the Central Committee in Georgia was announced . . . as having established that 'the former secretary of the Central Committee, Mgeladze, took an active part in the arrest of completely innocent workers in the creation of a provocational case
    concerning non-existent nationalism fabricated by the enemy of the Party and the people, Rukhadze. . . . Mgeladze admitted that he was one of the instigators of 'a stupid and provocational story' about the existence in Georgia of a nationalist group".
    ('Zarya Vostoka', 21 April 1953, cited in: R. Conquest (1961); p. 145).
    By 13 May the plot of revisionist conspirators to link the coup carried out by Nikolay Rukhadze in Georgia in 1951-52 with the false charges against Mikhail Ryumin in connection with the 'doctors' case' had been consolidated, On that day, the newspaper 'Zarya Vostoka'
    " . . . declared that the Georgian case had been fabricated by Rukhadze and Ryumin. The latter, a former chief of the Investigatory Division of the former Ministry of State Security, was charged in an announcement of the new Ministry of Internal Affairs. . . .
    The Georgian case . . . was in the statement of 'Zarya Vostoka' an Vanalogous case' (to that of the doctors - Ed.) and was falsely fabricated by Ruhhadze".
    ('New York Times', 14 May 1953; p. 14).

    The Dismissal of Leonid Melnikov (1953)

    As the third facet of their plot to deceive the Marxist-Leninists and the Soviet public as to their real aims, the concealed revisionists supported the dismissal (announced on 13 June 1953) of the revisionist First Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party, Leonid Melnikov, who had been the target of severe criticism by the Marxist-Leninists and the Ukrainian people for his notorious Russification policies in the Ukraine:
    "In June 1953, after Stalin's death, the Russification policy in the Western Ukrainian provinces underwent a reversal. On June 13, the Kremlin disclosed that Leonid G. Melnikov, at the time First Secretary of the Ukrainian Party, had been ousted from that position for 'having permitted distortions in the Leninist-Stalinist national policy'. The charges against Melnikov were . . . an indictment of Khrushchev who, in the course of his twelve-year rule in the Ukraine, had vigorously put this policy into practice. Melnikov had worked under Khrushchev in 1939-40 and from 1944 to 1949 and carried out the . . . Russification policy as efficiently as his boss".
    (L. Pistrak: 'The Grand Tactician: Khrushchev's Rise to Power'; London; 1961; p. 185).

    "L. G. Melnikov was relieved of his post as First Secretary of the (Ukrainian -- Ed.) Central Committee as responsible for the Russification policy in the Ukraine".
    (B. Levytsky: op. cit.; p. 216-17).

    The Military Coup in Moscow (1953)

    But by the end of June 1953, it had become clear that the efforts to convince the Marxist-Leninists that the exculpation of the doctors had been justified had only been temporarily successful. Headed by Beria, the security forces, under Marxist-Leninist control since the readjustment of portfolios after Stalin's death, were continuing to inestigate the 'doctors' case'.

    Clearly, if the revisionist conspirators were to feel safe, Beria and his Marxist-Leninist colleagues in the security forces had to be eliminated as a matter of urgency.

    On 10 July 1953, a few days after Beria had been arrested, a leading article in 'Pravda' revealed the real reason for that arrest -- a reason not disclosed in the report of his 'trial' -- namely, that he had 'deliberately impeded' and 'tried to distort' instructions of the Central Committee and the Soviet government designed to clear up ‘certain illegal and abritary actions' -- an obvious reference to the 'doctors' case’:

    "Having been charged with carrying out 'the Instructions of the Party Central Committee and the Soviet Government with a view . . . to clearing up certain illegal and arbitrary actions, Beria deliberately impeded the implementation of these instructions and, in a number of cases, tried to distort them".
    ('Pravda', 10 July 1953, in: B. Nicolaevsky: op. cit.; p. 147).
    Over several days at the end of June 1953, the revisionist conspirators approached other leading members of the Politburo with the baseless story that Beria was an agent of foreign imperialist powers and was plotting a coup against the Party leadership. Khrushchev has described how he based his allegation on unsubstantiated charges made at a Plenum of the Central Committee in February 1937 by the revisionist Grigory Kaminsky* that Beria had been an agent of the counter-revolutionary Mussavat Party --
    "a nationalist party of the bourgeoisie and landlords in Azerbaijan, formed in 1912. . . . supported by the Turkish and later by the British interventionists".
    (Note to: J. V. Stalin: 'Works', Volume 5; Moscow; 1953; p.417).

    "In 1937, at a Central Committee Plenum, former People's Commissar of Health Protection, Kaminsky, said that Beria worked for the Mussavat intelligence service".
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 65).

    Khruschev admits:
    "I could easily believe that he (Beria - Ed.) had been an agent of the Mussavatists, as Kaminsky had said, but Kaminsky's charges had never been verified. . . . We had only our intuition to go on".
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 333).
    But he alleges that he enrolled Georgy Malenkov* and Vyacheslav Molotov* into a plot to 'detain Beria for investigation':
    "I took Malenkov aside and said: . . . 'Surely you must see that Beria's position has an anti-Party character. We must not accept what he is doing. . . ‘
    Malenkov finally agreed. I was surprised and delighted. . . .
    Comrade Malenkov and I then agreed that I should talk to Comrade Molotov. . . . I told Molotov what sort of person Beria was and what kind of danger threatened the Party if we didn't thwart his scheming against the Party leadership. I had earlier told him how Beria had already set his plan in motion for aggravating nationalist tensions in the Republics. . . .
    I said: . . . 'You think, maybe, that we should detain him for investigation? I said 'detain' rather than 'arrest' because there were still no criminal charges against Beria. . . . Molotov and I agreed and parted".
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 330, 331, 332, 333).
    He later describes how he succeeded in winning over Lazar Kaganovich*:
    "I said that Malenkov, Bulganin, Saburov and I were of one mind and that without him we had a majority. Kaganovich declared right away: I'm with you too"'.
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 334).
    But because the security forces were under the control of the Marxist-Leninists, these could not be relied upon to carry out the task of eliminating Beria and his colleagues. The conspirators therefore decided that the coup had to be carried out by the army:
    "The Presidium bodyguard was obedient to him (Beria --Ed.). Therefore we decided to enlist the help of the military".
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 335-36).

    "The army took part in Beria's arrest".
    (J. Ducoli: op. cit.; p. 58).

    Khrushchev describes how the conspirators entrusted the execution of the military coup to a group of revisionist officers which included Kirill Moskalenko* and Georgy Zhukov*:
    "First, we entrusted the detention of Beria to Comrade Moskalenko, the air defence commander, and five generals. This was my idea. Then, on the eve of the session, Malenkov widened our circle to include Marshal Zhukov and some others. That meant eleven marshals and generals in all. In those days all military personnel were required to check their weapons when coming into the Kremlin, so Comrade Bulganin was instructed to see that the generals were allowed to bring their guns with them. We arranged for Moskalenko's group to wait for a summons in a separate room while the session was taking place. When Malenkov gave a signal, they were to come into the room where we were meeting and take Beria into custody".
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 335-36).
    The coup was fixed to take place during a joint meeting of the Presidium of the Party Central Committee and of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers on 24 June 1953. At this meeting Khrushchev reminded those present -- including the gullible Marxist-Leninists - of the charges made by Kaminsky in 1937:
    "I recalled the Central Committee Plenum of February 1937 at which Comrade Grisha Kaminsky had accused Beria of having worked for the Mussavatist counter-intelligence service, and therefore for the English intelligence service, when he was Secretary of the Baku Party organisation".
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 339).
    Finally, Khrushchev himself moved that Beria should be dismissed from all his posts:
    "After the final speech, the session was left hanging. There was a long pause. I saw we were in trouble, so I asked Comrade Malenkov for the floor in order to propose a motion. As we had arranged in advance, I proposed that the Central Committee Presidium should release Beria from his duties. . . . Malenkov was still in a state of panic. As I recall,  he didn't even put my motion to a vote. He pressed a secret button which gave the signal to the generals who were waiting in the next room. Zhukov was the first to appear. Then Moskalenko and the others came in. Malenkov said in a faint voice to Comrade Zhukov: 'As Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, I request that you take Beria into custody pending investigation of charges made against him'.
    'Hands up!', Zhukov commanded Beria.
    Moskalenko and the others unbuckled their holsters in case Beria tried anything. . . . We checked later and found that he had no gun. . . .
    Beria was immediately put under armed guard in the Council of Ministers building next to Malenkov's office confinement".
    (N. S. Khrushchev (1971): p. 337-38).
    Strobe Talbott*, the editor of Khrushchev's memoirs, points out that:
    "Khrushchev's implicit claim to have been the leading spirit in the plot against Beria is no doubt broadly true".
    (S. Talbott: Note to: N. S. Khrushchev (1071): p. 321).
    The dismissal of Beria from his state posts was confirmed by the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet on 26 June. Beria was replaced as Minister of Internal Affairs, by the concealed revisionist Sergey Kruglov, who had held the post prior to the government reorganisation following Stalin's death. ('Pravda', 17 December 1953, in: R. Conquest (1961): p. 440).

    Before the dismissal was made public, the revisionist conspirators took every precaution to prevent any opposition from those astute enough to see what it portended:

    "On the night of June 26 1953, Red Army tanks of the Kantemirovskaya Division rolled into Moscow and took up much the same positions as . . . in March. And the tanks were supported by infantry from the Byelorussian military district".
    (P. Deriabin: op. cit.; p. 332).
    On 10 July 1953, it was officially announced
    " . that Mr. Lavrenty Beria, First Vice-Chairman and Minister of Internal Affairs, had been expelled from the Communist Party and removed from his Ministerial posts as an 'enemy of the people"'.
    ('Keesing's Contemporary Archives', Volume 9; p. 13,029).
     
    Three years later, in his secret speech of February 1956, Khrushchev was to tell the 20th Congress of the CPSU that:
    " . . . Stalin originated the concept 'enemy of the people'. . . . This term made possible the usage of the most cruel repression, violating all norms of revolutionary legality".
    (N. S. Khruschchev (1956): p. 12).
    In the first few weeks of July several other prominent Marxist-Leninists connected with the state security service, were arrested, or as Lang expresses it:
    "Beria fell, dragging down with him many high officials . . . whose familiarity with secrets of state made their survival dangerous to the victors".
    (A.M. Lang: op. cit.; p. 264).
    Those arrested with Beria included Vladimir Dekanozov*, Vsevolod Merkulov, Bogdan Kobulov, Sergey Goglidze, Pavel Meshik and Lev Vlodzirmirsky all of whom were Marxist-Leninists having close connection with the state security forces.

    To sum up, the revisionist conspirators were able to

    On 14 July 1953, shortly after Beria's 'arrest' on 26 June, the revisionist conspirators moved to carry out a military coup in Georgia in order to reverse the changes made in April 1953 and restore the situation which existed there prior to this date - the situation of revisionist domination brought about by the feint of 1951-52. The leaders of the coup, which was carried out at a joint meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia and of the Tiflis City Committee, were two military officers -- General Aleksei Antonov* and Major-General Pavel Efimov:     In the new political situation, Valerian Bakradze and some other Georgian leaders attempted to save their position by jumping on the revisionist bandwagon. 'Zarya Vostoka' of 15 July 1953 reports a speech by Bakradze at the meeting already referred to, in which     As the 'New York Times' commented:     On 15 July, Tiflis Radio referred to Mgeladze, Rapava, Rukhadze and Shoniya as     At the Georgian Central Committee meeting on 14 July, the Marxist-Leninist Vladimir Dekanozov was dismissed as Georgian Minister of Internal Affairs and expelled from the Party:     Dekanozov was:     Reporting these events, the 'New York Times' forecast that:     Aleksei Inauri, another revisionist army officer, was appointed Georgian Minister of Internal Affairs in succession to Dekanozov:     The attempt of Bakradze and others to save their positions by transferring their allegiance to the revisionists failed. On 20 September 1953 a Plenum of the Central Committee of the Georgian Communist Party, presided over by Secretary of the USSR Central Committee Nikolay Shatalin from Moscow, removed Bakradze as Georgian Premier and Mirtskhulava as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Georgian Communist Party:     and a new First Secretary was elected in the shape of another army officer -Vasily Mzhavanadze*:     Ducoli points out the importance of the military in the new Georgian leadership:     On 25 September 1953 (five days after the dismissal of Bakradze):     In the following month (October 1953) a new Georgian Prime Minister was elected -- the revisionist engineer and geologist Givi Djavakhishvili*:     and on 17 January 1954 a broadcast from Tiflis     Conquest notes that:     In Soviet revisionist mythology, the Georgian events of April 1953 have become known as the 'Mingrelian Affair'. Mingrelia is that part of Georgia which borders upon the Black Sea, and the name has been apparently coined because the leading individuals involved in it came from Mingrelia:     In describing the 'Mingrelian Affair' of April 1953 to the 20th Congress of the CPSU in February 1956 as an instance of miscarriage of justice, Nikita Khrushchev confuses it, no doubt deliberately, with the feint attack of 1953, which was engineered by Khrushchev and his fellow revisionist conspirators and was exposed and corrected by the Marxist-Leninists in April 1953. He states that the (1951-52) affair related to false charges of 'nationalism' levelled against Georgian Party leaders, but repeats the false allegation made at the time that these charges were initiated by Stalin:     The 'trial' of Lavrenti Beria and six of his fellow-Marxist-Leninists who had been associated with the security forces took place in the USSR Supreme Court on 18-23 December 1953. Those tried with Beria were:     The Presiding Judge at the 'trial' was Marshal Ivan Konev, on whose appointment the 'New York Times' commented:     and noted a year later:     Furthermore, a new State Prosecutor was specially appointed by the revisionist conspirators -- the Ukrainian revisionist jurist Roman Rudenko*:     It was alleged that Beria:     All the defendants were charged that they     And with     and with waging     The Ordzhonikidze case was discussed in an earlier section.

    All the defendants were found guilty and sentenced to death by shooting, the sentence being carried out on 23 December 1953.

    It was stated that all the accused had

    but we have only the conspirators word for this, since     Nicolaevsky, indeed, insists that     and the Albanian leader, the Marxist-Leninist Enver Hoxha, affirms that a Soviet military adviser to Albania informed the Albanians that he had been a witness at Beria's 'trial' and that Beria, far from 'confessing' had defended himself very strongly in court and refuted all the charges :     Many Western commentators accept that the charges against Beria and his co-defendants were a mere pretext for their judicial murder . Even Stalin's daughter Svetlana, who disliked Beria and was inclined to believe any story detrimental to him, testifies that:     On the allegations that Beria was a ‘foreign agent', Nicolaevsky points out that:     While Lang ridicules the charges that Beria and his Leninists were guilty of 'attempting to restore capitalism':     After the 'arrest' of Beria in July 1953, the concealed revisionists felt it safe to 'rehabilitate' their colleague Leonid Melnikov:     On 14-17 December 1954, the Marxist-Leninist former Minister of State Security, Viktor Abakumov, was tried in Leningrad before the Military Collegium of the USSR Supreme Court, presided over by Lieutenant-Colonel E. L. Zeidin. Along with Abakumov, as co-defendants, appeared:     The defendants were charged with:     while Abakumov was in particular charged with having:     All the accused were found guilty. Chernov was sentenced to 15 years in a labour camp, Broverman to 25 years in a labour camp, while Abakumov, Leonov, Komarov and Likachev were sentenced to death by shooting.     As has been said, the Minister of State Security officially responsible for the investigation of the 'Doctors' Case' was Semyon Ignatiev, while Mikhail Ryumin was merely his deputy.

    But Ignatiev was a member of the revisionist conspiracy, and so took part in the investigation only reluctantly, while Ryumin was a Marxist-Leninist. In consequence, their fate at the hands of the conspirators was very different.

    Ryumin was arrested on 5 April 1953, two days after the doctors had been exculpated. ('Pravda', 6 April 1953; p. 1).

    As Georges Bortoli comments:

    Nevertheless, it was not until July 1954 -- fifteen months after his arrest -- that Ryumin came to trial:     Ryumin's trial lasted six days - from 2 to 7 July 1953:     and the report of the proceedings made it clear that he was charged with 'fabricating' the 'Doctors' Case':     Somewhat oddly, however, this was defined as     But Article 58, Para. 7, of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR relates to economic sabotage!     Nicolaevsky points out in explanation that falsification of evidence is punishable under the Criminal Code by only up to five years deprivation of liberty, while 'economic sabotage' carries the death penalty. (B. Nicolaevsky: op. cit.; p. 149).

    The court:

    Adam Ulam sums up this course of events as follows:     The fate of Ignatiev, the Minister, was very different. He was merely criticised for     and, as Conquest expresses it,     On 7 April (two days after Ryumin's arrest) it was announced that Ignatiev had been     This treatment was because, as a participant in the revisionist conspiracy,     Thus, Ignatiev's 'disgrace' was very temporary. A few months later, in February 1954, Ignatiev     On 14 February 1949     When, in 1955, the Soviet revisionists decided to seek a rapprochement with the United States, Beria and Abakumov were used as scapegoats for Strong's 1949 deportation, the evidence for which they were said to have 'fabricated':

    On 4 March 1955

    Similarly, when the Soviet revisionists decided to annul the denunciation of Yugoslav revisionism made in 1948-49 by the Marxist-Leninist Communist Information Bureau, Khrushchev visited Belgrade for this purpose in May 1955:     In September 1955 the Military Collegium of the USSR Supreme Court, sitting in Tiflis and presided over by Lieutenant-General Chertkev, tried Avksenty Rapava (formerly Georgian People's Commissar of Internal Affairs), Nikolay Rukhadze (formerly Minister of State Security), and six other defendants formerly connected with the Georgian security forces. They were charged with     Rukhadze, of course, had become a victim of the manoeuvres to reverse the Georgian feint of 1951-52 associated with the exculpation of the terrorist doctors, and was sacrificed to those manoevres.

    Accused of being 'accomplices of Beria', among the crimes with which the defendants were charged was that of taking an active part

    and of committing     Conquest notes:     The cases of Ordzhonikidze, the Orakhelashvilis, Yenukidze and Karakhan have been discussed in an earlier section.

    One of the accused was sentenced to ten years' imprisonment, one to twenty-five years' imprisonment, and the rest -- including Rapava and Rukhadze -- to death by shooting.

    In July 1953, after the 'arrest' of Beria, Mir Bagirov*, the MarxistLeninist Secretary of the Central Committee of the Commnunist Party of Azerbaijan, was removed from his post and, shortly afterwards, arrested.

    On 12-26 April 1956 Bagirov and five alleged 'accomplices' were tried by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court, sitting in Baku and presided over by Lieutenant-General A. A. Cheptsov for:

    Among other charges, it was alleged that     The Ordzhonikidze case has been discussed in an earlier section.

    The accused were all found guilty. Two of the defendants were sentenced to twenty-five years imprisonment, while three (including Bagirov) were sentenced to death by shooting.

    The Bagirov 'trial' was the last in the series of judicial murders of Marxist-Leninist leaders of the security forces.

*ABAKUMOV, Viktor S., Soviet Marxist-Leninist security official and politician (1894-1954); head of counter-espionage organisation SMERSH (1942-45); Minister of State Security (1946-52); executed by revisionists (1954).

*ALLILUYEVA, Svetlana S., Stalin's daughter. (1926- )

*ANTONOV, Aleksey I., Soviet revisionist military officer (1895-l962); Commander, Transcaucasia Military District (1949-54); 1st. Deputy Chief of Staff, and Chief of Staff, Warsaw Pact (1955-62).

*BAGIROV, Mir D, A., Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician (1896-1956); 1st Secretary, Azerbaijan (1933-53); executed by revisionists (1956).

*BERIA, Lavrenty P., Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician (1899-1953); USSR Commissar of Internal Affairs (1938-45); USSR Premier (1941-45); Deputy Chairman, USSR Defence Committee (1941-44); marshal (1945); USSR Minister of Internal Affairs and lst Deputy Premier (April-July 1953); executed by revisionists (1953).

*BIERUT, Boleslaw, Polish Marxist-Leninist politician (1892-1956); President (1947-52); General Secretary, Polish Workers' Party (1948-54); Premier (1952-54); 1st Secretary, Polish United Workers' Party (1954-56).

*BORTOLI, Georges, Moroccan-born French journalist and TV producer (1923-).

*BULGANIN, Nikolay A., Soviet revisionist politician (1895-1975); USSR Deputy Premier (1938-41); Minister of Armed Forces (1947); USSR Deputy Premier and Minister of Defence (1953-55); USSR Premier (1955-58).

*CONQUEST, Robert, British-born poet and political analyst specialising in the USSR (1917- ); senior research fellow, Hoover Institute (1977- ).

*DEKANOZOV, Vladimir G., Soviet Marxist-Leninist diplomat and politician (1898-1953); USSR Deputy Commissar of Internal Affairs (1939-41); Ambassador to Germany (1940-41); Georgian Minister of Internal Affairs (1953); executed by revisionists (l953).

*DERIABIN, Peter S., Russian-born American writer (1921- ); former officer in Soviet security forces; defected (1954).

*DEUTSCHER, Isaac, Polish-born British journalist and political analyst (190767).

*DZHAVAKHISHVILI, Givi D., Soviet revisionist geologist and politician (1912); Deputy Premier, Georgia (1953); Premier, Georgia (1953).

*DUCOLI, John, American teacher specialising in Transcaucasia (1922-

*FAIRBANKS, Charles H., junior, American political analyst (1944- ); associate professor of political science, Yale University (1979-81); member, Policy Planning Committee, US Dept. of State (1981- 82); research professor, Johns Hopkins University (1982-85); foreign policy adviser, Reagan Committee for Presidency (1980), Bush Committee for Presidency (1988).

*GOMULKA, Wladyslaw, Polish revisionist politician (1905-82); General Secretary, Polish Workers' Party (1943-48); imprisoned for nationalism (1943-56); 1st Secretary, Polish United Workers' Party (1966-70).

*GOTTWALD. Klement, Czechoslovak Marxist-Leninist politician (1896-1953); Premier (1946-48); President (1948-53).

*GOVOROV, Leonid A., Soviet revisionist military officer (1897-1955); Marshal (1944); Commander of National Air Defence Forces and USSR Deputy Minister of Armed Forces (1948-54); Commander-in-Chief of Air Defence Forces and USSR Deputy Minister of Defence (1954-55).

*GREY, Ian, New Zealand-born lawyer and historian (1918

*HOXHA, Enver, Albanian Marxist-Leninist leader (1908-85); General/First Secretary, CC, Communist Party of Albania/Party of Labour of Albania (1941-85);Premier and Foreign Minister (1944-54).

*IGNATIEV, Semyon D., Soviet revisionist politician (1908- ); USSR Minister of State Security (1951-53); Secretary, CC (March-April 1953); First Secretary, Bashkiria (1954- ).

*KAGANOVICH, Lazar M., Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician (1893-1991); member, State Defence Committee (1941-45); USSR Minister of Building Materials Industry (l946-47); Ist Secretary, Ukraine (1947-53); USSR Deputy Premier (1953-55); USSR Minister of Building Materials Industry (1956-57).

*KAMINSKY, Grigory N., Soviet revisionist politician (1805-1938).

*KONEV, Ivan S, Soviet revisionist military officer -(1897-1973); marshal (1944); C-in-C, Ground Forces, and USSR Deputy Minister of Armed Forces (1946-50); Chief Inspector of Army (1950-51); Commander, Carpathian Military District and Commander-in-Chief, Ground Forces (1951-55); C-in-C, Warsaw Pact Forces and USSR Ist Deputy Minister of Defence (1956-60); Inspector-General at USSR Ministry of Defence (1960-73).

*KRUGLOV, Sergey, Soviet revisionist security official and politician (190777); USSR Minister of Internal Affairs (1946-March 1953, July 1953-56).

*LANG, David M., British historian (1924- ); Professor of Caucasian Studies, University of London (1964-84).

*LAQUEUR, Walter, German-born American journalist, historian and political analyst (1930- ); Director, Institute of Contemporary History (1964- )

Professor of Government, Georgetown University (1977- ); Chairman, International Research Council, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (1973- ).

*LEVCHENKO, Gordey, Soviet revisionist naval officer (1897-1981); admiral (1944); deputy Commissar of Navy and Commander of Baltic Fleet (1944-60); retired (1960).

*LEVTYSKY, Boris, Austrian-born political analyst (1915- ).

*MALENKOV, Georgi M., Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician (1902-88); Member, State Defence Committee (1941-45); USSR Premier (1953-55); 1st Secretary, CPSU (1953); USSR Minister of Power Stations (1955-57).

*McNEAL, Robert H., American historian (1930- ); Associate Professor of History, University of Toronto (1964-69); Professor of History, University of Massachusetts (1969-).

*MELNIKOV, Leonid G., Soviet revisionist politician (1906- ); 1st Secretary, Ukraine (1949-53);

*MIKHOELS, Solomon (real name: VOVSI), Soviet revisionist actor and director (1890-1948); director of Moscow State Jewish Theatre (1929-48); Chairman, Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (1942-48); accused posthumously of espionage and terrorism (1953).

*MOLOTOV, Vyacheslav M., Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician (1890-1986); USSR Premier (1930-41); USSR Commissar of Foreign Affairs (1939-46); USSR Minister of Foreign Affairs (1946-49, 1953-56); Member, State Defence Committee (1941-45); USSR Minister of State Control (1956-57); Ambassador to Mongolia (1957-60).

*MOSKALENKO, Kirill A., Soviet revisionist military officer (1900-85); commander, Moscow Anti-Aircraft Defence (1945-53); commander, Moscow Military District (1953-60); Marshal (1955); commander-in-chief, USSR Strategic Missile Forces and Deputy Minister'of Defence (1960-62); chief inspector, USSR Ministry of Defence (1962-66); USSR Deputy Minister of Defence (1966-83).

*MZHAVANADZE, Vasily P., Soviet revisionist military officer and politician (1902- ); Lieutenant-General (1944); Ist Secretary, Georgia (1953-72).

*NICOLAEVSKY, Boris I., Russian , born American political analyst (1887-1966).

*ORAKHELASHVILI, Ivan (Mamiya), Soviet revisionist politician (1881-1937).

*ORAKHELASHVILI, Maria P., Soviet revisionist politician (1887-1937).

*POSKREBYSHEV. Aleksandr N.. Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician (1891-1965):

Head, Special Secretariat. Central Committee. CPSU (1928-52).

*RUDENKO. Roman A.. Soviet revisionist jurist (1907-81): Chief Soviet

Prosecutor*. Nurember2 (1945-46): USSR Procurator-General (1953-81).

*SALISBURY. Harrison E., American Journalist (1908- 'New York Times'

Moscow correspondent (1949-54).

*SCHERBAKOV. Aleksandr S.. Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician and military.

officer (1901-45): Secretary. CC (1938-44): Chief of Main Political Directorate. head of Soviet Information Bureau. Deputv Commissar of Defence (1942-45).

*SHTEMENKO. Sereev M.. Soviet revisionist military officer (1907- ): Chief of

General Staff and Deputy Minister of Armed Forces (1948-52): Chief of Staff and 1st Deputv C-in-C of Ground Forces (1962-64): USSR Deputy Chief of Staff (1964-68): general (1968): Chief of Staff. Warsaw Pact Forces (1968-90).

*STALIN. Vasilv J.. Stalin's son (1921-62).

*STRONG. Anna L.. American journalist (1885-1970).

*TALBOTT. Strobe, American journalist (1946- ).

*ULAM. Adam B.. Polish-born American political analyst (1922- ): Professor

Government,. Harvard University (1959-79): Professor of History and Political Science. Harvard University (1979Director. Russian Research Centre. Harvard (1973-76. 1980- ).

*VASILEVSKY. Aleksandr M.. Soviet revisionist military officer (1895-1977):

Chief of General Staff. lst Deputy Minister of Defence (1946-49): USSR Minister of Armed Forces (1949-53): USSR Deputy Minister of Defence (1953-57).

*VINOGRADOV. Vladimir N.. Soviet revisionist medical specialist (1882-1964).

*VOLKOGONOV. Dmitry. Soviet revisionist historian' (1928- ): on staff of Main

Political Directorate. Red Armv (1970-85): Director. Institute of Militarv Historv (1985- ).

*ZAPOTOCKY. Antonin, Polish revisionist politician (1884-1957): Deputy Premier

(1945-48): Premier (1948-53): President (1953-57).

*ZHDANOV. Andrev A.. Soviet Marxist-Leninist politician (1896-1948): CPSU

Secretarv (1934-48): CPSU Secretary. Leningrad (1934-48): murdered by revisionists (1948).

*ZHUKOV. Georei K.. Soviet revisionist military officer (1896-1974): Marshal

(1943): commander-in-chief. Soviet occupation forces in Germany (194546): USSR Minister of Defence (1955-57): Member. Presidium of CC. CPSU (1957).

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Volkogonov, D.: 'Stalin: Triumph and Tragedy'; London; 1091. Wolin, S. & Slusser, R.: 'The Soviet Secret Police'; London; 1957.

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