(North America): July
PART THREE OF:
"UPON THE CURRENT SITUATION, UNITY,
OPEN LETTER TO LUDO MARTENS; "PARTI DU TRAVAIL"
COMMUNIST PARTY (Turkey).
Great Britain March 1996.
C) MAO ZE DONG ON NEW DEMOCRACY
Comrade Martens states that Mao first correctly
applied revolutionary strategy in colonial-type countries. For Mao, this
strategy involved a . Mao coined this term
during the Sino-Japanese War before the Second World War. The CCP formed
a UNITED FRONT with all forces claiming to be anti-Japanese.
To assist this Mao was made the single
leader. During the anti-Japanese United Front, latent tensions between
factions of the CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY (CCP) were submerged. All
factions agreed that one leader was necesary. LUI SHAO-QI, then an
ally of Mao's, expressed the
CP line in an interview with ANNA LOUISE STRONG. This was intended
to popularise the CCP in the West. Here he repeats Mao's
view that MAO SINIFIED
"Mao Tse Tung's
great accomplishment has been to change Marxism from a European to an Asiatic
form. Marx and Lenin were Europeans, they wrote in European languages about
European histories and problems, seldom discussing Asia or China. The basic
principles Of Marxism are undoubtedly adaptable to all countries. but to
apply their general truth to concrete revolutionary practices in China
is a difficult task. Mao Ze-Dong is Chinese; he analyses Chinese problems
and guides the Chinese people in their struggles to victory. He uses Marxist-Leninist
principles to explain Chinese history and the practical problems of China.
He is the first that has succeeded in doing so. Not only has he applied
Marxist methods to solve the problems of 50 million people, but he has
popularised Marxism among the Chinese people as a weapon for them to use.
On every kind Of problem - the nation, the peasants, strategy, the construction
Of the party, literature and culture, military affairs, finance and economy,
method of work, philosophy - Mao has not only applied Marxism to new conditions,
but has given it a new development. He has created a Chinese or Asiatic
form of Marxism, China is a semi-feudal, semi-colonial country in which
vast numbers live at the edge Of starvation, tilling small bits of soil.
Its economy is agricultural, backward and dispersed. In attempting the
transition to a more industrialised economy, China faces the competition
and the pressures-economic political and military - of advanced industrial
lands. This is the basic situation that affects both the relations of social
classes and the methods of struggle towards any such goal as national independence
and a better freer life for the Chinese. There are similar conditions in
the other lands Of southeast Asia. the course chosen by China will influence
But we know that Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Stalin had extensively analysed and studied society, and the revolution
in the East !
(Liu Shao-chi: Interview Anna Louise Strong; "The
Thought of Mao Tse Tung ," Amerasia, 6, June 1947, p.161. : Cited Donald
S Zagoria: The Sino-Soviet Conflict 1956-61"; New York; 1966; p.14-15).
The composition of the Anti-Japanese
United Front, was a class alliance that joined all classes willing to fight
Japanese imperialism. ie. all classes EXCEPT the pro-Japanese comprador
class of big bourgeoisie (Capitulationists);
and the landlord class, who supported them; and the wavering
class forms the main base for imperialism rule in China; it is a class
which uses the feudal system to exploit and oppress the peasants obstructs
China's political economic and
cultural development and plays no progressive role whatsoever. Therefore
the landlords as a class are a target and not a motive force of the revolution.
In the present War of Resistance a section of the big landlords along with
one section of the bourgeoises (the captulationists) has surrendered to
the Japanese aggressors and turned traitor, while another section of the
big landlords, along with another section of the big bourgeoisie (the die-hards),
is increasingly wavering even though it is still in the anti-Japanese camp.
The Front correctly aimed not to establish
socialism; but to rid China of Japanese imperialist occupation. The attitude
towards the KMT, still led by Chiang Kai-Shek, was complicated by the previous
1927 betrayal of the KMT. After the defeat in 1927, Stalin had pointed
out that the revolutionary role of the KMT was finished :
(Mao Tse Tung "Selected Works"; 1960 [hereafter Mao SW] Vol
2; Peking: Chinese Revolution and Chinese Communist Party"; p.319).
have disgraced and discredited themselves by their connection with the
counter-revolution.. The Communists will no longer take part in the KMT
if a revolution appears upon the scene again.
In fact very shortly thereafter, Chiang
Kai-Shek made a private
visit to Japan. This was partly to ask the wealthy Madame Soong, for permission
to marry her American educated daughter, Soong Mai-Ling. However also,
he had talks with the Japanese Prime Minister General Tanaka, with a view
to forge an alliance with Japan:
intended to assist the KMT and Chiang-Kai-Shek to accomplish their aims,
in return for which aid he hoped to obtain the latter's
acquiescence in the proposed relations between Japan and Manchuria. For
the purpose.. General Tanaka.. Gave his approval of the Northward advance.
(JVS: "The Political Complexion of the Russian Opposition"; Vol 10;
(M. Shigemitsu: "Japan and her Destiny"; translated by O.White; London;
Nonetheless, the CCP now made overtures
to the KMT. Mao himself recognised that the policy he was proposing
had to be justified to the Chinese people:
"The (national-ed) bourgeoisie.. withdrew from the revolution..
and turned into enemies of the people.. In the present circumstances there
is the possibility that the bourgeoisie will once again cooperate with
us and join in the resistance to Japan, and the party of the proletariat
should therefore not repel them but welcome them and revive the alliance
HOWEVER, to ensure the possibility
of the bourgeoisie once again cooperating,
Mao gave profound reassurances to the bourgeoisie. This was INCORRECT
and relinquished a large degree of the independence of the CCP. Mao strove
to convince the national bourgeoisie into the front :
(Mao SW: 'The tasks of the CCP In the period of the resistance to Japan';
May 1937; Vol 1; p. 271, 272).
"Capitalists should be encouraged to come into our anti-Japanese
base areas and start enterprises there if they so desire. Private enterprises
should be encouraged and state enterprise regarded as only one sector of
Mao aimed to establish a new-democratic
state where ALL the above classes
would have POLITICAL POWER.
The classes forming this 'new democratic state' comprised all classes
in China opposing Japan, including the national bourgeoisie:
(Mao SW; Volume 2: 'On Policy'; December 1940; p. 447.)
"Some people suspect that the Chinese Communists are opposed
to.. the growth of private capital and the protection of private property,
but they are mistaken.. We have too little of capitalism.. It will be necessary
in the interests of the socialist progress to facilitate the development
of the private capitalist sector of the economy."
(Mao SW: Vol 3; 'On Coalition Government'; April 1945; p. 282, 283).
"The New Democratic Republic.. will consist of the proletariat,
the peasantry, the urban petty bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie and all those
in the country who agree with the national and democratic revolution; it
will be the alliance of these classes in the national and democratic revolution.
the salient feature here is the inclusion of the bourgeoisie."
This was therefore a new
type of democracy:
day China, the bourgeois-democratic revolution is no longer of the old
general type, which is obsolete, but one of a new special type. We call
this the new-democratic revolution and it is developing in all other colonial
and semi-colonial countries as well as in China. The new-democratic revolution
is part of the world-proletarian revolution for it resolutely opposes imperialism.
i.e. international capital. Politically it strives for the joint dictatorship
of the revolutionary classes over the imperialists, traitors, and reactionaries,
and opposes the transformation of Chinese society into a society under
bourgeois dictatorship. Economically it aims at the nationalisation of
all the big enterprises and capital of the imperialists, traitors and reactionaries
and the distribution among the peasants of the land held by the landlords
and the distribution among the peasants of the land while preserving private
capital enterprise in general.. In the present War of Resistance the anti-Japanese
democratic political power of the Anti-Japanese National United Front;
this is neither a bourgeois nor a proletarian one-class dictatorship of
the revolutionary classes under the leadership of the proletariat. All
who stand for resistance to Japan and for democracy are entitled to share
in this political power, regardless of their party affiliation.
(Mao SW: 'The Task of the CPC In The Period of Resistance to Japan';
May 1937; Vol 1; p. 271-72).
The new democratic revolution also differs from a socialist
revolution in that it overthrows the rule of the imperialists, traitors
and reactionaries in China, but does not destroy any section of capitalism
which is capable of contributing to the anti-imperialist anti-feudal struggle.
(Mao Tse Tung: "Chinese Revolution and Chinese
Communist Party"; Ibid; Volume 2; p. 326-7).
was TRANSITIONAL :
democratic republic which we desire to establish now must be a democratic
republic under the joint dictatorship of anti-imperialist and anti-feudal
people held by the proletariat, that is a new-democratic republic.. This
new-democratic republic will be different from the old European-American
form of democratic dictatorship, which is the old democratic form and already
out of date. On the other hand it will also be different from the socialist
republics of the Soviet type under the dictatorship of the proletariat
which is already flourishing in the USSR and which moreover.. Will undoubtedly
become the dominant form in all the industrially advanced countries ..
However for a certain historical period, this form is not suitable for
the revolutions in the colonial and semi-colonial countries, namely the
new-democratic republic. This form suits a certain historical period and
is therefore transitional.. It is a form which is necessary and cannot
be dispensed with. January 1940.
(Mao SW; "On New Democracy"; Volume 2; p.350).
Therefore the new democratic state
was NOT SOCIALIST. But it had:
perspective of not capitalism but socialism or communism, since China's
bourgeois-democratic revolution at the present stage is not of the old
general type but is a democratic revolution of a special type - a new-democratic
revolution... However it is not at all surprising.. That a capitalist economy
will develop to a certain extent within Chinese society with the sweeping
away of the obstacles to the development of capitalism after the victory
of the revolution.. A certain degree of capitalist development will be
an inevitable result of the victory of the democratic revolution in economically
(Mao SW: "Chinese Revolution and Chinese Communist Party"; Vol 2; p.329).
But to ensure a red facade, Mao proclaimed his would have socialist
these socialist factors be? The increasing relative importance of the proletariat
and the Communist Party among the political forces in the country; leadership
by the proletariat and the Communist Party which the peasantry, intelligentsia
and the urban petty bourgeoisie already accept or are likely to accept;
and the state sector of the economy owned by the working people.
Mao did recognise a second stage - the socialist revolution.
(Mao SW: "Chinese Revolution and Chinese Communist Party"; Vol 2; p.330).
However Mao says its arrival is inevitable.
Mao deferred the Socialist revolution to some nebulous future when the
necessary conditions are ripe
revolutionary movement led by the CCP embraces the two stages, ie, the
democratic and the socialist revolutions which are essentially different
revolutionary processes, and that the second process can be carried through
only after the first had been completed. The democratic revolution is the
necessary preparation of the socialist revolution, and the socialist revolution
is the inevitable sequel to the democratic revolution.
(Mao SW: "Chinese Revolution and Chinese Communist Party"; Vol 2; p.330-31).
But Marxism-Leninism holds that a state of the DICTATORSHIP
OF THE PROLETARIAT is necessary to establish socialism:
"The revolution will be unable to crush the resistance
of the bourgeoisie to maintain its victory and to push forward to the final
victory of socialism unless.. it creates a special organ in the form of
the dictatorship of the proletariat as its principle mainstay".
TRANSITION from 'NEW DEMOCRACY' [the joint dictatorship
of several classes, including the national bourgeoisie] - to the DICTATORSHIP
OF THE PROLETARIAT must, involve CLASS STRUGGLE against the resistance
of the national bourgeoisie. Maoism rejects this Marxist-Leninist view,
holding that the contradiction between the national bourgeoisie
and the working class can be resolved peacefully :
(JVS W: 'The Foundations of Leninism'; April-May 1924; Vol 6; p. 112).
"The contradiction between the national bourgeoisie and
the working class is one between exploiter and exploited and is by nature
antagonistic. But in the concrete conditions of China this antagonistic
contradiction between the two classes, if properly handled, can be transformed
into a non-antagonistic one and be resolved by peaceful means."
The correct handling which can resolve these contradictions
by peaceful means is :
(Mao SW: Vol 5; 'On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the
People'; February 1957; p.386).
"The policy of uniting with, criticising and educating
the national bourgeoisie."
Mao defines this as a policy of the "Ideological
remoulding" (Mao SW Ibid; p. 403), of the national
bourgeoisie. This is the same theory of the Soviet revisionist NIKOLAI
BUHKARIN of the capitalists growing peacefully into socialism:
(Mao SW Ibid; p. 286).
"According to Bukharin's theory of the capitalists' peaceful
growth into socialism.. the irreconcilable antagonism of he class interests
between the exploiters and the exploited disappears, the exploiters grow
into socialism. (BUT).. there have been no cases in history where dying
classes have voluntarily departed from the scene. there have been no cases
in history where the dying bourgeoisie has not exerted all its remaining
strength to preserve its existence."
The New Democratic State was apparently'
to differ from all states before. It was the harbinger of ALL STATES
TO BE formed from revolutions in colonial and semi-colonial countries
(Mao; Ibid; p.351). The state reflected all classes that participated in
(Mao SW Ibid; p. 403).
TASKS will the new democratic state carry out?
Mao accepts the programme of the Manifesto
of the Kuomintang's [KMT] First
National Congress held
during the period of KMT-Communist cooperation.
This incorporated Sun Yat Sen's
reinterpreted Three People's
SW: Vol 2: "On New Democracy"; Vol 2; p.363).
Accordingly, the economic tasks are
akin to a state capitalist nationalisation :
It will own
the big banks and the big industrial and commercial enterprises.
Enterprises such as the banks, railways and airlines whether
Chinese owned or foreign-owned, which are either monopolistic in character
or too big for private management, shall be operated and administered by
the state so that private capital cannot dominate the livelihood of the
people: this is the main principle of the regulation of capital.
.. In the new-democratic republic under the leadership
of the proletariat the state enterprises will be of a socialist character
and will constitute the leading force in the whole national economy but
the republic will neither confiscate capitalist private property in general
nor forbid the development of such capitalist production as does not dominate
the livelihood of the people
for China's economy is still
very backward. The republic will.. Confiscate the land of the landlords
and distribute it to those peasants having little or no land, carry out
Sun Yat Sen's slogan of Land
to the Tiller, abolish feudal
relations in the rural areas, and turn the land over to the private ownership
of the peasants.. In general socialist agriculture will be established
at this stage, though various types of cooperative enterprises developed
on the basis of land to the
tiller will contain elements
of socialism. China's economy
must develop along the path of the regulation
of capital and the equalization
of landownership, and must never
be privately owned by a few..
We must never establish a capitalist society of the European-American type
Mao reassures the bourgeoisie that
the CCP will :
(Mao SW: Vol 2: "On New Democracy"; Vol 2; p.353).
aside anyone who is revolutionary; we shall persevere in the united front
and practice long term cooperation with all those classes, strata, political
parties and groups, and individuals willing to fight Japan to the end..
The Three People's Principles
of Nationalism, Democracy and the People's
Livelihood as reinterpreted by Sun Yat Sen in 1924 are basically similar
to the communist political programme for the stage of the democratic revolution
in China. .
He brands the Left
phrase mongerers, saying they
call for One Stage revolution.
There is no talk as there is with Lenin, of moving into the Second stage
as the bourgeoisie start to desert the first phase of the revolution! (See
(Mao SW: Vol 2: "On New Democracy"; Vol 2; p.357-8;
MAO UNDERSTOOD MARXIST-LENINISM. BUT MAO REJECTED IT!
Mao obscures how long it takes to reach socialism, and
Since this is not defined scientifically by Mao, the time
scales vary according to the short term political convenience, of the moment.
When speaking in 1955, according to Mao socialism
is assured in 1955:
"By the end of 1955 "The victory of socialism will be
(Socialist Upsurge in China's countryside (pp 159-60); Cited by Roderick
MacFarquhar: "Origins of the Cultural Revolution"; Volume 1 : Contradictions
Among The People 1956-57"; Oxford; 1974; : p.268 Vol 1; p.15
By 1957 Mao asks whether socialism will EVER be achieved!
struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie the class struggle
between various political forces, and the class struggle in the ideological
field between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will still be long and
devious and at times may become very acute.. In this respect the question
whether socialism or capitalism will win is still not really settled.
(Mao From Communist China, 1955-9: Policy Documents
with analysis: Harvard; 1962; p.288 Cited MacFarquhar; Vol 1; Ibid; p.
Suddenly by 1958, Communism is 10
"This astonishing Utopian'
assertion comes with the so called GREAT
LEAP FORWARD! With
the sharpening of struggle between factions within the CCP, Mao declares
"Our comrades must be made to understand the theories
of Marx, Engels Lenin and Stalin on the relations of production consist
of the interrelationships among three elements: the system of ownership,
the interrelationship [among the people],, and distribution. I don't think
that economic theory has clarified this properly. The Soviet Union, too
has failed to resolve this matter since the October Revolution. The interrelationship
among the people when labouring is the important element in the relations
of property. To stress relations of production and not stress [human] interrelationships
is impossible. Equality among people will not automatically emerge following
the transformation of ownership. If China fails to solve the relationship
between people, the Great Leap Forward will be impossible.. We should consider
the question of eliminating the wage system and restoring the supply system.
The army of the past had no salaries, no Sundays off, no eight hour work
system; superiors and subordinates were as one; the army had become one
with the people, and thus we were able to mobilize tens of thousand of
people. This Communist spirit is very good. If human beings live only to
eat, isn't that like dogs eating shit? What meaning is there to life if
you don't help others a bit, or don't practice a bit of communism? If the
wage system is eliminated, there will be, one, food to eat- nobody will
die - two, physical health.. We should put into practice some of the ideals
of utopian socialism. The life of Protestant Puritans was very hard. Sakyamuni
who created Buddhism was also a product of an oppressed people.. The people's
communes contain the sprout of communism, When products are plentiful we
will implement communist [distribution] of grain, cotton and edible oils..
the workers beat drums and gong and don't
ask for piece rate wages. All of these are the sprouts of communism and
they destroy the system of bourgeois right.. Probably in about 10 years
our productions will be very bountiful and the people's morality will be
very noble; then we can practice communism in eating, clothing and housing.
Eating without paying in pubic mess halls is communism."
(In "The Secret Speeches of Chairman Mao - From the Hundred Flowers
to the Great Leap Forward"; Ed. Roderick MacFarquhar, Timothy Cheek and
Eugene Wu. Harvard, 1989." p.413; 414;418;419).
Helmsman disparaged Marxist-Leninists
on Communism :
"I would like to ask that the book, Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Stalin on Communism (Stalin didn't do very well) be printed in every
province and widely distributed.. It's very enlightening, although there
are still some inadequacies because of the limitations imposed by conditions
in the [authors' times]. They had little experience, so naturally their
views are vague and inexplicit. Don't think the ancestors all fart fragrantly
and fart no foul farts.. The Soviet Union has had 41 years of experience;
we've had 31 years. We should
break free of superstition."
Criticising USSR Mao counterposed a Utopian'
approach in China :
"The Soviet Union practices the use of high rewards
and heavy punishments, emphasising only material incentives. We now practice
socialism and have the sprouts of communism. Schools factories and neighbourhoods
can establish people's communes.
In a few years big communes will be organised to include everyone... Too
great a reliance on material rewards with high rewards and heavy punishments
won't do. We won't hand out medals
from now on. Officers should go down to the ranks to be ordinary soldiers.."
("Secret Speeches of Chairman Mao"; Ibid; p.441).
("Secret Speeches of Chairman Mao"; Ibid; p.410. p.408).
IS THIS CONSISTENT WITH MARX, ENGELS, LENIN AND STALIN?
IS THIS MARXISM-LENINISM? NO! MAO WAS NOT A MARXIST-LENINIST
THE KUOMINTANG AND THE AMERICANS -
SECOND WORLD WAR AND CIVIL WAR
The Japanese had long coveted China
and had engineered various provocations in Manchuria. Finally Japan invaded
China in 1931. The KMT did initially resist. Chiang kai-Shek sabotaged
the anti-Japanese struggle, despite the masses who wished to counter-attack
the Japanese invaders :
"In September 1931 Chiang Kai-Shek was going all out
to conduct the campaign of encirclement and suppression against the Red
army, the Japanese militarists stepped up their war of aggression against
China. On September 18th the Japanese invaders launched an attack against
Northeastern China. But the Chiang Kai-Shek government in Nanjing went
so far as to issue a "no-clash" order, prohibiting the North-Eastern Army,
led by Gen. Zhang Xueliang from putting up resistance. As a result, the
hundreds of thousands of troops of the North-eastern army retreated to
areas south of the Shanhaiguan Pass without firing a single shot.. After
occupying Northeastern China without fighting a battle in January 1932,
the Japanese troops.. attacked Shanghai. On March 3rd they captured the
city. On May 5th, Chiang kai-Shek signed the Truce Treaty of Wusong and
Shanghai, permitting Japan to station troops in Shanghai, promising to
ban the nationwide anti-Japanese movements and ordering the anti-Japanese
19th Route Army.. to leave for Fujian to 'suppress the Communist Party."
Chiang Kai-Shek's mission to General Tanaka
has been discussed already. Even the CCP itself was quite late in resisting
the Japanese. The Ultra-Leftist strategy of WANG MING and LI
LI SAN; who were at this time the leading members of the CC of the CCP;
was in part responsible for this delay :
"In September 1932 the Provisional Central Committee
of the CPC called on the people of China to arm themselves and to resist
the aggression of the Japanese imperialists... However under the control
of Wang Ming the CC headed by Bo Gu wrongly.. put forward the slogan of
"Defend the Soviet Union With Arms. At home it advocated "Down With All".
It held that the conditions had been ripe for seizing key cities and waging
general strike. Because of these erroneous propositions and slogans the
Party lost the opportunity to maintain close contact with the anti-Japanese
masses. On the other hand Chiang Kai-Shek took the opportunity to suppress
large numbers of party members. They were arrested and killed."
(Deng Mao Mao;" Deng Xiaoping - My Father"; New York; 1995; p.195).
(Deng Mao Mao;" Deng Xiaoping - My Father"; New York; 1995; p.196).
Meanwhile the Japanese made rapid territorial
gains and established a puppet government supported by Chiang Kai-Shek.
Meanwhile Chiang Kai-Shek attacked, instead of the Japanese, the CCP. When
the Japanese created the "MUKDEN INCIDENT" of September 1931, they
created a pretext to invade, from Korea into South Manchuria. The Japanese
used the ex-Emperor Puyi as a puppet :
"In 1932 the Japanese established the "Manchiko",
puppet state under Japanese control.. Chiang Kai-Shek in spite of the strong
opposition of Chinese [to the Japanese aggression] launched the fourth
campaign.. against the Red Army.. The Red Army.. led by Zhou Enlai and
Zhu De won".
(Deng Mao Mao;" Deng Xiaoping - My Father"; New York; 1995; p.210-211).
But the masses refused to let the KMT
policy stand. On December 9, 1935 a huge demonstration in Peking occurred.
These "DECEMBER NINTHERS" lit a nation wide demand for anti-Japanese
actions. (Spence Ibid; p. 420).
But the Japanese continued to over-run
the KMT. Despite the masses, the KMT cravenly signed the Taggu Truce in
May 1933. This ceded Northeastern Hebei to Japan and created a large "Demilitarized
Zone" patrolled by "non-hostile Chinese troops".
Meanwhile Chiang Kai-Shek continued
his attacks against the CCP. He forced the "Bandit Suppression Headquarters"
to drive into the heart of the JIANXI Soviet. By 1934, the blockade was
serious. The CCP withdrew from the situation in a military retreat. This
was led by Zhou Enlai, Lin Biao, and Peng Dehuai. This was the famous "LONG
MARCH" of October 16th, 1934. The 80,000 strong army broke out of the
blockade and went some 6,000 miles in 370 days. (Spence Ibid; p.
The Command of the CCP military had
been in the hands of Li Teh (Real name Otto Braun) who had been sent from
the Comintern, in 1933.( Deng Mao Mao Ibid; p.228-239).
The portrayal of the Maoists is that Li Teh bore the responsibility for
the need for the Forced Retreat. This is unlikely. At the same time the
Maoists blame Li Teh for :
"Suddenly changing the policy of relying on the base
areas and ordering the Red Army to leave the Central Revolutionary Base
Area without conducting thorough ideological mobilization among the cadres
and the masses in advance."
But the encirclement was complete and
the break through had to be made. Also the manoeuvre had to be completed
in as much secrecy as possible. This makes these criticisms invalid. The
real problem that the faction around Wang Ming posed for the Maoists, was
that they were in favour of a more open recognition of the USSR. Most of
them had been trained in the USSR, and they went by the title the "RETURNED
BOLSHEVIKS"; or the "28 BOLSHEVIKS". Furthermore and more problematic
for Mao, they had criticised the Mao faction for his army tactics and for
his favouring of the rich peasantry :
(Deng Mao Mao Ibid; p.229).
"There was considerable tension between Mao and his followers
on the one hand and the "28 Bolsheviks" on the other.. They opposed his
views on guerilla warfare, argued that the local armed forces should be
disbanded and that a single powerful united Red Army should be created,
and were dogmatic that land reform should dispossess former rich and middle
peasants as well as landlords." (D.S.G.Goodman: "Deng Xiaoping and
the Chinese Revolution, a political Biography"; London; 1994; p.34).
These criticisms are doubtless in part
correct. The factions of the CCP around Wang Ming, Li Teh and Bo Gu were
now in open enmity with that of Mao. This let the CC of the CCP holding
the ZUNYI meeting between January 15th-17th 1935. It was at this
meeting that Mao finally established his hold on the very centre of the
The forced retreat of the Long March
had defeated for now, the KMT attack on the CCP. The KMT came under further
considerable pressure to collaborate to defeat The Japanese invaders. The
Manchurian war lord, ZHANG XUELIANG kidnapped Chiang Kai-Shek to
force the KMT to cooperate with the CCP. In December 1936, Zou EnLai negotiated
with Zhang and stated that the leadership should be under Chiang, for a
national United Front Government ( Spence; Ibid; p.423).
As the Japanese entered to Eastern China as well, pressure mounted for
opposition. By July 1937, there was an agreement between the CCP and the
KMT to cooperate to resist the Japanese. Given Kai-Shek's attacks, and
his hidden relations with the Japanese, this was a doomed enterprise. However,
this marked the start of the SINO-JAPANESE WAR. The Red Army was
designated the Eighth Route Army (Spence; Ibid; p.460).
But it was a fragile alliance.
Even though the KMT was poorly led,
and had links with some pro-Japanese landlords; it was supported by the
USA. Initially the KMT refused to join a United Front with the CCP. But
in September 1937, after the Japanese assault on Shanghai, an agreement
was reached between the KMT and the CCP Red Army at YANAN Northern
base area; held by the Eighth Route army. The CPC and KMT pledged
cooperation in a united front against Japanese imperialism.
The basis of the United Front
was the "Three Principles of the People" by SUN YAT SEN. Even though
it was correct to unite with all forces fighting Japanese imperialism,
the CCP incorrectly threw away any semblance of a correct strategy by making
major concessions of principle, thereby hampering its independence, as
seen in its promises:
"The CCP pledged to restrain class struggle; to abolish
the autonomous regions of another Soviet [the Shaanxi Soviet]; to renounce
the use of armed struggle for soviet formation; and renounce the seizing
of landlord holdings."
(Jonathan Spence : "The Search For Modern China"; 1990; New York; p.460).
As the Sino-Japanese war became
part of the Second World War, the situation again changed. Soon
the KMT attacked the CCP New Fourth Army, in the Yangzi River area
in January 1941. Despite massive losses, the CCP remained in the Front.
The decision to stay in The Front even now, reflected the desire of the
CCP to achieve an alliance with the USA.
Both the USSR and USA had aided the
KMT Government at CHONGQING, and the USSR aided the CCP at YAN’AN.
Following the fall of BURMA, and the loss of KMT troops, Chongqing
was waning. After the Japanese attack of 1944, OPERATION ICHIGO ("Number
One"), Chongqing weakened.
At this time the USA began to look
to the YAN’AN CCP. From the USA perspective the imperialists had a
choice. On the one hand the CCP had fought well against the Japanese, but
carried the stigma of the name "Communist". On the other hand the KMT were
definitely capitalist, but were corrupt and had not engaged in the fight
General Joseph Stillwell urged
support to the CCP, but Chiang Kai-Shek obstructed this. Stillwell was
removed in favour of General Albert Wedemeyer, and Ambassador
Hurley pulled away from Yangan. The European war was almost won by
the Allies. The YALTA Meeting in February 1945 signalled the entry
of the USSR into the Asian war. But the destruction of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki signalled the USA intent, to deny the USSR a foothold in Asia.
The USA and the KMT instructed the Japanese not to surrender to either
USSR troops in Manchuria or the CCP. After the Japanese surrender, the
KMT installed puppets who had been supporting Japanese fascism. Disillusionment
mounted. Mao met Chiang Kai-Shek at Chongqing, escorted by the USA ambassador
Hurley in August 1945. But this did not yield any stable compromise. Chiang
Kai-Shek openly attacked the CCP in November 1945.
Ambassador Hurley resigned in November
accusing secret USA advisers of CCP sympathy. Indeed some
of the USA leaders had understood by now that the CCP was not Communist.
But the KMT continued to attack the CCP. GENERAL MARSHALL of the
USA tried to mediate a cease fire between the CCP and the KMT; although
an initial agreement was reached, it broke down in January 1947.
Links between Ya’nan and the USA grew
during the war. Chiang's greed and corruption as well as the inefficiency
and incompetence of the KMT troops alienated the USA :
"Chiang Kai Shek's action in virtually putting a monetary
price on his continuing in the war aided the increasing disenchantment
with China in Washington. Henry Morgenthau (Secretary of the Treasury)
opposed the loan..
The situation demanded re-thinking. USA
Ambassador Gauss :
"It appears that we are to be faced inevitably with
the problem of determining whether the Chinese Communists are to be supplied
with American arms and equipment in the struggle against Japan.'.. and
Stillwell declared "The 8th Group Army (Reds) will be used. There must
be no misunderstanding on this point. They can be brought to bear where
there will be no conflict with the Central Government (KMT) troops about.
They must be accepted as a part of the team during the crisis."
"My God wrote Stillwell, "50 million gold to build their
air fields and a 50 million gold squeeze!" (Barbara Tuchman :"Sand
against the Wind. Stillwell and the American Experience in China 1911-1945.";
London; 1985; 528-9).
(Tuchman; Ibid; p. 619)
As the British Communist Alan Winnington
noted, Mao courted the USA. Mao was opposed by some of the CCP including
PENG DEHUAI, who were much more pro-USSR. Mao however interviewed
the American diplomat JOHN S. SERVICE who reported Mao as saying:
"America needs an export market for their heavy industry
and these specialised manufactures. She also needs an outlet for capital
investment. China needs to build up her own market and raise the living
standards of her own people.. America is not only the most suitable country
to assist this economic development of China: she is also the only country
fully able to participate."
(Cited by Alan Winnington: "Breakfast With Mao – Memoirs of a foreign
correspondent"; London; 1986; p.72).
THIS TYPE OF REASSURANCE BY MAO CONVINCED THE USA IMPERIALISTS
THAT MAO WAS AS STALIN CALLED HIM :
"A RADISH COMMUNIST- RED ON
THE OUTSIDE AND WHITE ON THE INSIDE".
As Tuchman notes :
"Few believed the Chinese Communists were "real" communists..
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT.. in a letter to Captain Carlson (Military Observers
Mission said :
FURTHERMORE IT REASSURED THE USA THAT INDEED MAO WAS NOT
GOING TO TURN AGAINST THE BEST INTERESTS OF THE USA INDEED MAO NEVER DID
TURN AGAINST THE USA IMPERIALISTS.
"I am hoping and praying for a real working out of the
situation with the so-called Communists."
(Tuchman; Ibid; p.621).
STALIN CERTAINLY AGREED THAT THE CCP WAS NOT "COMMUNIST":
"Stalin often said that the Russian and Chinese revolutions
were two different matters." (M.S.Kapitsa China Specialist Soviet
Ministry Foreign Affairs 1940 onwards. Cited In :Sergei N. Goncharov, John
W. Lewis, Xue Litai : "Stalin, Mao and the Korean War - Uncertain partners";
Stanford; 1993. p.25).
"Stalin did not consider Mao a true Marxist and always suspected
that the Chinese revolution would mutate "into something else", meaning
something anti-Marxist and anti-Soviet."
(M.S. Kapitska; Cited "Uncertain partners"; p.8).
Stalin had understood the real desires of Mao regarding the USA. Stalin
sent a personal envoy to Mao and China, IVAN V.KOVALEV; former People’s
Commissar for Transportation. Kovalev reported only to Stalin. He had the
highest entry into CCP circles. His reports to Stalin naturally included
the information about the USA, and also CCP responses to the COMINFORM
EXPOSURE OF TITO:
"In the 1940's reliable information was given to Mao and
ZHOU EN LAI about the affiliation with US intelligence of several
Americas who were staying in Yangan and were receiving important information
there. Yet in spite of warning Mao and Zhou did nothing to isolate them."
Cited "Uncertain partners"; p.303.
"Stalin directly inquired about the Chinese position
on the YUGOSLAV ISSUE".. KOVALEV (replied) to Stalin.. Kovalev
stressed.. In 1947 Mao had sent two top lieutenants LU DINGYI AND LIU
NINGYI to Yugoslavia and [Kovalev] inferred from this that Mao wanted
to understand "How Yugoslavia which had declared itself to be a socialist
country, might find a way, under the conditions of severe struggle between
the camps of socialism and imperialism, to establish friendly relations
with the imperialists countries, the USA and England."
THE CCP WAS "RUNNING WITH THE FOX AND HUNTING WITH THE
"Uncertain Partners"; Ibid; p.33).
WHICH ONE WOULD GIVE THE MOST? THE USSR OR THE USA? PRINCIPLES BE DAMNED!
MAO’S TACTICS WERE INDEED REMINISCENT OF THE TITIOITES.
In an obvious attempt to force the pace
of USA recognition, as early as 1946, ZHOU EN LAI warned the special
US envoy, GENERAL GEORGE C MARSHALL (Chief of Staff of army) that
"We will certainly "lean to one side". However the extent
of [our leaning to the Soviet side] depends on your policy to us."
(Cited "Uncertain partners"; Ibid; p 45).
THIS "SHOPPING AROUND" OF THE CCP, WAS IN MARKED CONTRAST
TO THE CORRECT WAR TIME BEHAVIOUR OF SUCH AS ENVER HOXHA OF ALBANIA.
The CCP actively tried to attach
themselves to the USA; but, now, as the war was ended, the USA became cooler.
The pro-Mao lobby had been blocked by pressure from the pro-KMT lobby.
In the interim therefore, the CCP needed to gain some ground. The CCP now
moved Left. The CCP launched a Land Reform; which gained for them the peasantry
in Northern Jangsu, Hebei, Shandong. (Spence; Ibid; p.491-493).
The seizure of the lands of the Japanese
and their collaborators, was huge in just Manchuria alone (Spence;
Ibid; p.497). This assisted the CCP to gain the masses.
Manchuria had been ceded by the Yalta
Agreement, to USSR occupation. The USSR now assisted the CCP by allowing
the CCP and not the KMT to occupy key areas (Sergei N. Goncharov,
John W. Lewis, Xue Litai : "Stalin, Mao and the Korean War"; Stanford;
Although the KMT did occupy Yan’an,
the USSR then assisted the CCP further, with arms and funds. LIN BIAO
used this to build the PEOPLES' LIBERATION ARMY (PLA).
The KMT, in desperation, staved off
a crisis by printing money. This provoked a severe inflation and major
labour unrest. By 1948, the CCP and PLA launched a conventional frontal
war on the KMT. Chiang Kai-Shek retreated to the island of Taiwan, recalling
the retreat of the Southern Ming court from the Manchu invasions 500 years
ON OCTOBER 1 1949, THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA (PRC)
WAS INSTITUTED IN PEKING, BY MAO ZE DONG.
By 1954 a constitution was enacted by a newly elected
NATIONAL PEOPLES' CONGRESS (NPC). The NPC put the FIRST 5-YEAR
3. THE PRC AND MAO’S NEW STATE
A) THE CLASS ALLIANCE OF THE
CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
The CCP was a class coalition made up of many factions.
Even at the proclamation of the PRC, Mao's previous opponents from
1927, were still within the CCP. As MacFarquhar puts it :
i) There were no Marxist-Leninists left in the CC of CCP
MacFarquhar notes that the one
person that Mao did purge, early after the PRC was established was Gao
Gang. (MacFarquhar; Ibid; Vol 1: Ibid; p.46).
removal in 1953, eliminated one of the few potential remaining Marxist-Leninists.
Stalin had tried previously to protect Gang from Mao (See "Uncertain
partners" p.68-69). Mao purged him after Gang’s attack upon
BO YIBO minister of Finance. Bo Yibo was supported by Mao in being
"soft" on capitalists, in the tax reforms proposed at the National Conference
On Financial and Economic Work in 1953:
"Since the beginning of 1953 Bo Yibo’s tax reform proposals
had created a furore in the leadership.. They were soft on former capitalists
and the private sector but also they would alter the balance of fiscal
advantage away from the sate sector back to the private sector, and force
the former to compete more directly with the latter.. Gao’s comments on
Bo were trenchant.. Bo’s defence.. came from Mao."
(D.S.G.Goodman: "Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese
revolution. A political biography"; London; 1994; p.52.
ii) The faction of the pro-"Soviet" Russian forces.
PENG DEHUAI, AND CHEN YUN, represented
the small section of the CC of the CCP who still had any allegiance to
the USSR. Because by this stage the USSR had fallen into revisionism under
Khrushchev, objectively, this faction could not be considered any longer
a socialist force. Because the Khrushchev forces had dismantled socialist
property relations in the countryside, and because they were busily dismantling
socialist property relations and socialist planning in the state as a whole,
the state of the USSR had fallen from the control of the workers and peasants
of the USSR. (The economic basis of this destruction of socialism
has been extensively documented by W.B.Bland in "The Restoration of Capitalism
In The Soviet Union"; originally printed 1980; reprinted Alliance Number
14; February 1995; North America).
This force, objectively represented
pro-USSR compradors. The removal of PENG DEHUAI eliminated a major
pro-Soviet force in the CCP leadership.
iii) The National Capitalist class.
The question is often asked as to which faction Liu Shaoqi
LIU SHAOQI was not a Marxist-Leninist. For instance,
although during the civil war, the land reform helped to establish CCP
"(After the) destruction of the old Kuomintang (KMT)
power structure,(land reform) enabled the CCP to extend its power to villages
throughout the land. The thought reform and five "anti-campaigns" established
CCP dominance over the urban intelligentsia and bourgeoisie by the end
This is hardly the stance of a Marxist-Leninist.
of The Cultural Revolution"; Vol 1; Ibid; p.16).
Liu Shaoqi was critical even of this . At the 16-24 November
CC Conference in 1953; Liu Shaoqi could
"Our present desire to change two forms of ownership and
abolish two forms of private ownership-the transformation of the system
of private ownership by small producers, that is, individual ownership
by peasants, into the system of collective ownership, and the capitalist
system of ownership into the state system of ownership by the whole people
(had brought) disquietitude and unrest to all the people excepting the
working class in the whole country".
of The Cultural Revolution"; Vol 1; Ibid; p.21).
LIU REPRESENTED THE NATIONAL CAPITALIST
CLASS who promoted indigenous industry.
As seen, Mao also represented an approach
initially favourable to national capitalists. However Mao "leaned" to the
USA. He DID NOT choose to "lean to the USSR".
Mao obstructed the moves to expropriate
USA based foreign capital. Both the Liu Shaoqi section; and the Peng Dehuai
section of the CC of the CCP were fiercely attacked by MAO, AND LIN
BIAO. As seen, Mao had previously been in favour of USA over the USSR,
in the Second World War as allies. Objectively then, Mao was a pro-USA
force within the international communist movement.
DENG XIAOPING was a close ally
of Mao in the struggles of Mao and Deng in 1933 against the "28 BOLSHEVIKS"
"In 1933.. Deng found himself in opposition to the CCP
leadership on almost all counts. In particular he argued that it was necessary
to pursue a lenient policy towards the relatively prosperous peasant both
to ensure that the CCP had sufficient support to ensure that it could implement
land reform and because as a guerilla force the CCP required a sound economic
base for its own sustenance.. The CCP leadership attacked Mao.. And Deng".
(Goodman Ibid; p.34-5).
But increasingly after the Great Leap
Forward, Deng came to represent that section of the national capitalist
class, who rejected compromising to a large extent with the USA.
ZHOU EN LAI similarly played
a shifting role, at times supporting the Liu faction (eg being against
Mao’s attacks on planning); but at critical moments he sided with the Mao
The CCP was a complex class alliance.
As events unfolded, it became clear that it was dominated by political
representatives of national capitalist and some national bourgeoisie, prepared
to compromise with USA capital.
The capitalist class had its representatives
within the CCP; but in addition they had separate "democratic" political
B) THE CCP CONSOLIDATES THE
If Mao was a Marxist-Leninist the PRC
would have gone into the second stage, towards socialism. But Mao built
"New Democracy", as he had promised, with the capitalist class.
i) In The Countryside
Mao and Liu Shaoqi and Zhou En-Lai,
all wished to "collectivize". This was acceptable to the CCP CC
for some very pragmatic reasons. Firstly, because of the imperative
"The need to obtain control of crop surpluses which were
vital to the industrialisation programme-as payment for machinery imports
as raw materials for light industry, and as food for the growing numbers
of urban workers."
Secondly, both sectors of the party
had no need to placate landlordism. In fact, the CCP had already dealt
with landlords in the anti-Japanese United Front. The veneer of "collectivisation"
helped to deflect resentment of impoverished peasantry. Mao :
(MacFarquhar R."Origins of The Cultural Revolution";
Vol 1; Ibid; p.17).
"Everyone has noticed that in recent years there has
been a spontaneous and constant growth of capitalist elements in the countryside
and that new peasants have sprung up everywhere. Many well to do middle
peasants are striving to become rich ones. Many poor peasants lacking sufficient
means of production are still not free from the toils of poverty; some
are in debt others selling or renting their land. If this tendency goes
unchecked.. peasants who have lost their land and who are still having
difficulties will complain."
Thirdly, "collectivisation" did
not threaten "class harmony". What form did this "Collectivisation"
take? The form was Agricultural Producers Cooperative (APC). In
these APC, private property relations continued. They were disguised
under the term of "dividends" :
(MacFarquhar R."Origins of The Cultural Revolution";
Vol 1; Ibid; p.16-17).
"Peasants received a dividend according to his relative
contribution of land, tools, animals.. The policy [adopted] was of restricting
rather than liquidating rich peasants. In contrast to the forced deportation
and killing of Russian kulaks, Chinese rich peasants.. were treated.. Mildly."
A limited form of agricultural improvement,
should not divert us from the fact that in essence the second stage of
the revolution had not been embarked upon.
(F.C.Teiwes Chapter 1: The Establishment and Consolidation of the new
Regime 1949-1957. In Ed R.MacFarquhar :"The Politics of China 1949-1989";
Cambridge; 1993; p.59.
ACTUALLY THE MOVE TO THE SECOND SOCIALIST STAGE WAS
The so called "SOCIALIST DEVELOPMENT" put Agriculture
Mao put it as "Green Leaves Before Red Flowers" :
"We've solved the theoretical problem in Marxism. First
take care of agriculture while at the same time taking care of heavy industry.
The arguments Khrushchev had with Molotov were precisely over too much
heavy industry. We take a road opposite to that of the Soviet Union: we
first take care of agriculture in order to facilitate industrial development;
we first take care of the green leaves and then the red flowers."
ii) In The City
(Ed R MacFarquhar, T Cheek, E Wu. Harvard 1989; "Secret Speeches Of
Chairman Mao"; p.423).
Pro-Japanese capital related
ventures were all expropriated immediately. All other imperialist owned
properties including USA linked comprador capital was not touched. And
national capitalist class capital was not touched. The formerly pro-Japanese
property and assets had formed the basis of the state owned sector:
"The Central People’s Government led the people of the
whole country in carrying out a series of reforms.. The confiscation of
enterprises formerly belonging to the bureaucrat-capitalist who worked
hand in glove with the Kuomintang and their conversion into socialist state
But as already said, those enterprises
owned by imperialist other than the Japanese , and by compradors dependent
upon imperialism other than the Japanese, were NOT nationalised :
"Enterprises financed by foreign capital were allowed
to operate provided they abided by the laws and decrees of the Central
(Liao Kai-lung:"From Yenan to Peking"; Peking; 1954; p.156-157).
(Liao Kai-lung :"From Yenan to Peking"; Peking; 1954; p.156-156).
Even during the Korea war of 1950-53,
when US and Chinese armed forces were in actual conflict US owned enterprises
were only placed under state control and NOT nationalised:
"When the US used the Korean war as a pretext to freeze
our overseas assets and impose an economic blockade and embargo upon us,
our government retaliated with the announcement on December 28th 1950,
that control would exerted over property belonging to the US imperialists."
(Liao Kai-lung :"From Yenan to Peking"; Peking; 1954; p.157).
By September 1953, Mao equated "socialism" with "STATE
"The transformation of capitalism into socialism is
to be accomplished through state capitalism".
(Mao SW: Vol 5; "The Only Road For Transformation of Capitalist
Industry and Commerce"; September 1953; p.112.
"State capitalism.. is to be put into practice gradually
so as to attain socialist ownership by the whole people."
Liu Shaoqi was in no disagreement, as
was enshrined in Article 6 of the Draft Constitution of the People’s Republic
of China. (See Report On Constitution by Liu Shaoqi; Peking; 1962;
(Mao SW : Volume 5; 1977: "On the Draft Constitution of the People's
Republic of China"; Peking 1954; p.143).
All capital that was not fully expropriated,
was converted into JOINT STOCK VENTURES WITH THE STATE however.
This did allow a veneer of not being "private". Profit termed "bonuses",
was now paid to "managers" not "owners". The enterprises were operated
jointly by the state and private capital :
"The advanced form of state capitalism in China is called
a state-private enterprise. This is the principle way through which the
transition of capitalist industry and commerce into socialist enterprises
is being effected.. A joint state-private enterprise is one in which the
state invests and to which it assigns personnel to share in management
with the capitalists.. A fixed rate of interest was paid by the state for
the total investment of the capitalists in the joint state-private enterprises..
The interest is fixed at a rate of 5% per annum".
(Kuan Ta-Tung:"The Socialist Transformation of capitalist industry
and Commerce in China"; Peking; 1960; pp. 75, 84, 86-87).
The Chinese national capitalist class
not only had no objection to Mao’s 'socialism’, in which the state invested
in their enterprises and guaranteed their profits, they welcomed it:
"Why were there increasing numbers of capitalists who
petitioned of their own free will to have their enterprises changed over
to joint state-private operation?.. The statistics of 64 factories in various
parts of China which had gone over to join operation earlier than others
revealed that their profits were increasing.. Taking their profit in 1950
as 100, it was.. 306 in 1953.. The capitalists paraded with cymbal and
drum, while sending in their petitions for the change over of their enterprise."
By 1954 Mao was claiming that :
(Kuan Ta-Tung; Ibid; pp.78-79, 84).
"Socialism already exists in our country today".
Yet even by 1957, Mao was still drumming
"In December 1957, Mao visited Shanghai where Major
Ch'en Yi arranged for him to meet 80 city's leading business men:
(Mao SW: "On the Draft Constitution of the PRC"; Ibid; p.394).
"Socialist relations of production have been established".
(Mao SW: "The Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People";
February 1957, Vol 5; p.394).
"Mao began by praising the great contribution the 'national
capitalist friends' had made in the past. "Now I have come from Peking
to seek our advice,' he went on. Many businessmen he said, had been requesting
that the socialist transformation of private enterprise should be hastened,
'lest the national bourgeoisie lag behind in the progress towards socialism.'
"I don't think that I can agree with that', he informed us. 'But I am not
well informed on the subject. I want to listen to your opinions. I have
brought only my two ears to this meeting, and if you expect more from me,
you will be disappointed."
(MacFarquhar: "Origins of Cultural Revolution" Ibid; Vol 1; p.22).
The remaining cautious capitalists who
had delayed, were convinced enough, to be taken over into Joint Stock ventures
with the state, by 1957. Initially "The People's Daily" on 3 January in
an editorial said:
"It is stipulated that within 2 years of 1956 and 1957
there will basically be realized the socialist transformation of capital
industry and commerce.'
However under pressure by the capitalists,
this time frame for so called "socialist transformation", was rapidly shortened.
(MacFarquhar "Origins of Cultural Revolution"; Ibid; Vol 1; p.23).
By the 15 th January under the direction
of the mayor of Peking P'ENG ZHEN, "socialist transformation" was
completed. This was possible using the simple expedient of :
"Little more than a change of description-private firms
were simply re-labelled joint state-private. The feat was quickly celebrated
by a rally in T'ien An Men Square on the 15th attended by Mao, Liu Shaoqi,
C) DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE FACTIONS
(MacFarquhar "Origins of Cultural Revolution" Ibid; Vol 1; p.23).
That both Mao and Liu were not Marxist-Leninists
is by now clear. Liu Shaoqi’s faction disagreed with Mao over several issues.
These were whether to strengthen China’s industrial base and how; whether
the Cult of Mao should be continued; and the role of the CCP. The major
disagreement however was how much to woo and support the USA. It is these
disagreements that overlie and explain the public responses of the CCP
to the CPSU.
i) THE CULT OF PERSONALITY OF
"MAO ZE DONG".
During the class alliance forged during
the anti-Japanese war, the Cult of Mao was useful to all factions of the
CCP. But even then, the extent of the cult was a problem for some factions.
Even in 1942, Liu Shaoqi had apparently disapproved of Mao's assumption
of the title 'Chairman' and remarked to some colleagues:
"What is a chairman? I have never heard people in the
Soviet Union calling Lenin Chairman Lenin!"
Liu accepted Mao as a leader, as it made
sense during a war to have one leader. But he resisted the Cult erected
"Even after Liu Shao Ch'i began eulogising Mao as leader
and theoretician possibly in return for being made No.2 in the party, he
did not put Mao on a pedestal.. In 1947 Liu told a conference:
Liu also asserted that:
'The Stalin of China has not yet appeared!'
(Liu Selected Editions (Liu SE) (SCMM 651, p.20). Cited MacFarquhar
R:"Origins of Cultural Revolution"; Ibid; p.7);
"There is no perfect leader in the world. This was true
of the past as it is of the present, in China and in other countries. If
there is now, he only pretends to be such, just like inserting an onion
in a pig's nose to make it look like an elephant."
(Liu Selected Editions; Cited MacFarquhar R: "Origins of Cultural Revolution"
Vol 1. p.7).
After the PRC was established the struggle
between the factions naturally focused on the Cult of Mao. In 1953, The
Constitution of the Young Communist League removed its references to Mao
Ze Dong Thought. (Goodman; Ibid; p.55).
As the struggle between the Mao and
the Liu faction intensified, during the Great leap Forward, Liu Shaoqi:
"Warned against the attribution of everything to Mao's
works and also ordered that the phrase the 'Thought of Mao Tse-Tung' should
not be used in propaganda abroad. P'eng Chen adopted a similarly deflationary
attitude when enthusiasts in his local party hailed Mao as the greatest
Marxist-Leninist theorist of the age and the teacher of world revolution,
and he suggested that after Marx and Lenin there was no need for further
discussion of political economy and the theory of imperialism. Lu Ting-yi
explained why Mao’s's thought could not be said to surpass Marxism-Leninism."
(Roderick MacFarquhar: "The Origins of the Cultural Revolution: Volume
2: The Great Leap Forward 1958-1960"; Oxford 1983; p. 319).
Liu’s faction intended this to lead
to the disintegration of the Cult of Mao.
Deng Xiaoping, Liu Shaoqi and Peng
Dehuai pushed to remove reference of Mao Ze Dong Thought from the Constitution.
They took this step at the 8TH CCP CONGRESS of 15 September 1956.
"The 1945 CCP Constitution had explicitly recognised
that Marxism-Leninism-Mao Ze Dong Thought was the party’s ideology. However
Mao Ze Dong Thought was written out of the 1956 version, leaving only Marxism-Leninism
as the description of the CCP’s guiding ideology.. Sources originating
from the Cultural Revolution.. were highly critical of Deng's action in
proposing the removal of the reference."
Mao then professed that he was "retiring"
to the "second front". But doubtless his resignation from the Head of State,
was forced from him by the National capitalist class. Liu Shaoqi:
(Goodman; ibid; p.55).
"Liu Shao-ch'i's political report also contained no mention
of Mao's Thought.. Peng Teh-huai confessed [in the Cultural Revolution-ed]..
that he had originally proposed to drop Mao's Thought.. the crucial section
of Liu's report ..was written by P'eng Chen."
(MacFarquhar; Ibid; vol 1; p.100).
became the acknowledged Head of State. But as a compromise
the hand-over was due to start in 1959. As a further compromise, Mao was
to be made an Honorary Chairman of the Central Committee. It was at this
8th Congress also that Deng Xiao Ping was to switch sides from supporting
Mao, to supporting Liu. He was now placed on the newly-created 6 man Politburo
Standing Committee; and given the title of General Secretary.
ii) MAO ATTACKS ON THE PARTY
To defend his position, Mao would attack the authority
of the party itself, the CCP. Liu’s opposition to Mao, would now take the
form of a defence of the CCP. The first indication of this was to be the
campaign launched by Mao in April 1956 called:
"Let Hundred Flowers Bloom, Let Hundred Schools Contend."
On Mao’s insistence, a total liberalism
in the arts and ideology and press was promoted. This was meant to reassure
the bourgeoisie, that the New Democratic State belonged to them also. The
campaign targeted CCP official behaviour.
Initially the Liu Shaoqi faction was
in favour of the campaign. In support of this line they asserted that the
‘class struggle was dying down’ :
"Comparing this year with last year the class struggle
is not getting fiercer and sharper but is ameliorating. The landlords and
rich peasants hold the common good and obey the laws (feng-kung shou-fa),
the bourgeoisie has accepted the transformation, even the counter-revolutionaries
are sincere.. In general the situation has changed, the rich peasants had
been deprived of their weapons and over half of the bourgeoisie have entered
state - private enterprises.. Let me repeat that it is no longer true to
say that the class struggle is getting sharper."
(MacFarquhar; Ibid; vol 1; p.80).
Liu hoped the 100 Flowers campaign would
limit the Mao Cult :
"According to Liu, the main objective of the 100 schools
policy was 'to oppose doctrinairism and to avoid confining ourselves to
one school of thought'".
But Liu tried to safeguard the future
rights of the CCP to:
(Cited MacFarquhar; Ibid; vol 1; p.53).
"Interfere with culture on political grounds.. all future
political attacks should be backed by formal documents.. at no point did
Liu exhibit any willingness to countenance democrats criticising full time
Therefore initially Liu supported the
"100 Flowers Campaign". But the Liu Shaoqi faction, soon recognised that
the "100 Flowers Campaign" was an invitation to the petit bourgeois and
the bourgeoisie to openly attack the CCP. The Liu Faction saw a further
need of the "cover", of the "Red Facade" of the CCP. They therefore opposed
this decision, even though they were pro-capitalist.
(MacFarquhar; Ibid; vol 1; p.115).
Therefore the Liu Shaoqi faction opposed Mao, and
opposed the "Hundred Flowers" campaign.
Mao continued against their opposition.
The vice-president of Tsingua University said :
"The reason why contending and blooming is not going
well is because the Liu Shao-ch'i-P'eng Chen axis does not support contending
and blooming." Roderick MacFarquhar: "Origins of the Cultural Revolution";
During the 5 weeks of the "blooming" a
total challenge was offered to the CCP authority. As the party cadre rejected
the virulent attacks, Mao was forced to humiliatingly withdraw.
(Volume 1 : Contradictions Among The People 1956-57";
Oxford; 1974; p.285).
At the same time Mao continued to
foster other attacks, that took the forms of "rectification" campaigns
aimed at party cadre (p.191; 196;). These attacks were justified by the
article "Internal Contradictions Among the People", a speech of 27 February
1957, where Mao explained :
For all these reasons Mao counter-attacked,
and asked for an :
"Opening wide.. Let all people express their views freely
so that they dare to speak, dare to criticise.. not suppressing wrong views
but convincing people by reasoning with them."
Both P’eng Chen and Liu Shaoqi strongly
objected to these attacks. Liu Shaoqi boycotted the Contradictions speech
to the Supreme State Conference (ibid; p.191). Liu did reply though :
"Contradictions within the ranks of the people.. some
cadre held that.. the methods of rectification would prove more effective
than more persuasive education. Some went further and suggested the 'dual
measure of persuasion and force', that is to say, in addition to the formula
'unity-criticism-unity' there should be added some 'pressure'".
(MacFarquhar; Vol 1 Ibid; p.188).
(MacFarquhar; Vol 1 Ibid; p.198).
Later, during the "Great Leap Forward"
(see below), a surreptitious attack on the party was launched by the "elevation
of the masses". Party cadre who resisted were labelled as Right Obstructionist,
and this also assisted the destruction of the influence of the party. As
the Liu faction gained control, and used the failure of the Great Leap
Forward to oust Mao, Mao turned to the Army.
First he removed PENG DEHUAI
from control of the MAC of the PLA. In his place he put LIN BIAO,
a loyal acolyte. Biao now pushed further the cult of Mao. It was at this
time that the printing of the "Little Red Book" became established.
Peng Dehuai counter-attacked. At the
July 1957 LUSHAN CCP Party Conference, Peng Dehuai openly attacked
Mao. The grounds for attack were the severe disruption of the economic
and political life created by the "Great Leap Forward". Peng charged that
the myths of economic success were fabrications by party cadre who were
forced to manufacture "successes" or be purged as "right obstructionist."
However Mao’s vigorous defence and humilation of Peng Dehuai succeeded
as none of the national capitalists supported him. There is evidence that
Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi as well as even Zhou
En Lai supported the correctness of the charges laid by Peng. (See
Goodman :"Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Revolution"; Ibid; p.61)
The reason for this was that Peng Dehuai
promoted further links with the USSR. In particular Peng hoped to use USSR
aid to further develop the PLA, and potentially to get atomic weaponry.
The Liu Shaoqi faction saw that Peng objectively supported the former USSR.
They therefore turned a blind eye to his fate.
From now on the PLA would be the instrument
of the attacks of Mao on the CCP. It would be the weapon turned against
the CCP during the so called "Great Cultural Proletarian Revolution".
iii) MAO WEAKENS INDUSTRIAL
FORCES OF CHINA.
The underlying economic differences
between the factions became clear with the ‘GREAT LEAP FORWARD’, launched
from the 3rd Plenum of the 8th Central Committee in September 1957.
By this time Mao had been forced to
accept that he would be removed from the position of Head of state, in
favour of Liu Shaoqi from 1959. The counter-strike he chose was one of
economic and huge political sabotage by the method of an adventurist and
a ‘substitution of capital in investment by labour". This substituted for
expertise and skilled labour - enthusiasm ("Better Red Than Expert"). Mao’s
slogan was : "More Better faster and more economical". It replaced planning
with emphasis on decentralised and uncontrolled mass activity. This was
exemplified in the backyard furnaces development. Here in a crazy notion
furnaces to produce "steel" were set up in backyards and any scrap tea
pot was used to produce "steel". The resulting unusable steel was one side
effect, but a more serious one was the misguided energy spent by the peasantry
and workers in this fruitless enterprise. Crops lay waste and true productive
work was neglected.
Furthermore Mao attacked the very
notion of Planning. Thus he attacked various components of the Five Year
Plan. Especially those that touched on the promotion of Heavy over light
industry. This put him in a major conflict with Liu Shaoqi whose allies
were in control of the Five Year Plans. (MacFarquhar; Ibid; Vol
Naturally the national capitalist
class would be in favour of a policy that promoted heavy industry. Naturally
also, the comprador capitalist class would be uninterested in this.
It was the Minister of Finance Li
Hsien-nien, an ally of the faction representing the National Capitalist
class who attacked Mao’s economic objectives first, even before Mao had
launched the "Great Leap Forward", during the so called "Little Leap".
The Peoples’ Daily quoted Li Hsien-nien’s speech :
"While opposing conservatism, one must at the same time
oppose the tendency towards impetuosity and adventurism (chi-tsao mao-chin),
and this kind of tendency has already appeared in many departments and
many places during the past few months."
The end results of the so-called "Great Leap Forward" were
economic misery, starvation and great disillusion among the masses with
the potential for progressive change of the CCP :
(MacFarquhar; Ibid; Vol 1; p.8).
"The year 1960 was a truly appalling one for China. The
leadership became entangled in the Great Leap and obsessed by the widening
rift with the USSR. Agricultural output fell to about three-quarters of
its 1958 level. There was widespread drought and famine, and during 1959
to 1961 China’s population actually fell by 13.5 million. Looking back
.. Deng was to regard the period immediately after the Lushan plenum as
‘the most difficult times’.. The disastrous economic aftermath of the Great
Leap.. Agricultural output continued to decline and food was in short supply.
Industry which relied on agriculture for either its raw materials or capital
also went into decline. Light industry fell by 10% in 1960 over the reported
previous years’ figures., 22% in 1961, and 8% in 1962. Heavy industry was
even harder hit, dropping by 47% in 1961 over 1960 and 22% in 1962 over
Only with great difficulty was Mao forced
to recant the line. In recanting he lost much prestige. His response would
be to launch the so called "Cultural Revolution"; a war against the faction
of Lui Shaoqi. But before that the CCP was to break with the USSR. By now,
the leading faction in the PRC was the national capitalist class.
(D.S.Goodman; ADeng Xiaoping & the Chinese Revolution" Ibid; p.65).
4. THE CCP AND THE 20TH CONGRESS
CRITICISM OF STALIN
Comrade Martens agrees that the initial
response of the CCP, to the 20 th party CPSU Congress was poor. But the
change between the inintal and the later response, is not fully explained
by him. The internal situation of the CCP is not considered by Martens.
In February 1956, the infamous 20
th Party Congress of the CPSU (B), was held, and took two main political
1. The denunciation of Stalin. This meant an attack on
As Comrade Martens points out, the CCP
bowed to the traitorous statements by Khrushchev. Deng Xiaoping, Liu Shaoqi,
and Hu Ch'iao-mu drafted the 5th April reply, that was published in the
"Peoples' Daily" -"On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of
the Proletariat." Mao agreed to this text. (MacFarquhar; Ibid; Vol
1 : Ibid; p.43).
2. The insistence on the peaceful road to socialism ;
and the insistence that war was not "inevitable"; "War is not predestined
and unavoidable." This meant the preaching of international class harmony.
Neither of these were challenged by the CCP.
The major factions of the CCP were as stated above
i) A bourgeoisie "leaning" to the USA; represented by
ii) An "uncompromising’ national bourgeoisie represented
by Liu Shaoqi.
iii) A pro-USSR faction represented by Peng Dehuai
Martens notes :
"At first the position of the Mao Ze Dong and the CCP
was hesitant. They did not consistently defend the Marxist-Leninist work
of Stalin, but followed Khrushchev.. the criticisms formulated by Mao Ze
Dong simply repeat Khrushchev's calumnies.. with no serious facts to back
them up. The conclusion is in the same tone : Khrushchev has taken steps
to correct Stalin's errors."
Martens recites CCP accusations against
Stalin in "On the Historic Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat"
(Martens; Ibid; p.11).
"Stalin's "subjectivism"; "blind faith in Stalin's own
wisdom and authority"; arrogance; inability to "rectify" mistakes; "insufficient
vigilance against Hitler"; "Leftist error in "deepening the class struggle
after liquidation of the classes; oppression of peasantry during collectivisation;
emphasised Heavy versus light industry."
But why did the 1956 CCP support the attack of Khrushchev
(Martens; Ibid; p.11-12).
Firstly there was an initial agreement
on attack on the "Cult Of Stalin"
All factions agreed with attacks
on Stalin. Mao agreed also, but this might allow attacks on the Mao Cult
of Personality. The compromise CCP solution then was to simply object to
the "complete negation of Stalin". But later as the Mao faction was engaged
in struggle with the Liu Shaoqi faction, the issue of "The Cult of Mao’s
Personality" became embroiled in a larger issue. Peng Zhen and Liu Shaoqi
had resisted both the Mao cult, and had also been openly anti-Stalin. The
two were explicitly linked in a threat to Mao:
"Stalin considered himself perpetually and absolutely
correct. The result was that he was seized by the 20th Congress and smashed
to smithereens, and in many places in the world his pictures were taken
down and even torn up. As one can see, all men make mistakes; what differs
is the size and nature of their mistakes."
Secondly, there was Agreement On "Class harmony".
(Roderick MacFarquhar:"Origins of the Cultural Revolution" Vol 1; Ibid
Amongst all factions of the CCP, there
was agreement with the Khruschevites on the issue of "World Peace". After
all the CCP had been cultivating the worlds' "progressive bourgeoisie"
at the AFRO-ASIAN BANDUNG CONFERENCE in Indonesia, in April 1955.
BUT EVENTS CHANGED TO UPSET THIS THREE
FACTION CLASS HARMONY.
SUPPORT OF KHRUSHCHEV CHANGED INTO
AN ATTACK UPON THE OPEN RIGHT REVISIONISM OF KHRUSHCHEV IN 1963.
The "Proposal for the General Line of the International
Communist Movent"; was dated June 14th, 1963. It was the work of Deng Xiaoping's
secretariat, but Chen Boda [Mao's political secretary] later found it expedient
to claim that the final version was Mao's. (Uli Franz "Deng Xiaoping";
New York; 1988; p.168). As Martens appreciates, even this
document does not attack Trotskyite and Buhkarinist assumptions of Khrushchev
(Martens, Ibid; p.13). In fact "The Proposal" also accepts
"Stalin did not distinguish.. the two categories of contradictions..
contradictions between the enemy and us and contradictions among the people..
The process of elimination of the counter revolution allowed many counter
revolutionary elements to be justly punished; but honest people were also
unjustly condemned.. he made the mistake of enlarging the repression in
1937 and 1938."
Clearly even now, the CCP did not definitely
want a rupture even in 1963. The Chinese proposed to Mikhail Suslov, a
(Cited, Martens, Ibid; p.13).
"Return to the unity of Lenin's Communist international.
But [Suslov] saw just one catch in Deng's proposal:..the demand that the
formula for apportioning delegations be determined by party strength and
IN FACT, THE CCP WAS VYING WITH THE CPSU TO GAIN CONTROL
OF THE INTERNATIONAL REVISIONIST COMMUNIST MOVEMENT.
(U.Franz; Ibid; p.171).
But "Proposal of General Line" did
signify a rupture with Soviet revisionism. Why? A number of factors had
Firstly, by 1963, the pro-USSR
forces had been purged. Mao Ze Dong attacked Peng Dehuai after the Lushan
Congress of 1959.
Secondly the historic role of
the Party of Labour of Albania in attacking Khrushchev openly, forced the
hand of the CCP to the step of : "A Proposal For the General Line Concerning
the International Communist Movement."
Thirdly, Mao recognised that
the attack on Stalin’s "Cult" justified an attack on him. This has been
discussed above. But a side effect of this was to diminish the authority
of the CCP. Thus paradoxically, the pro- Liu national capitalist class
was forced to concede that they had to "resurrect" the "Cult of Mao" to
some extent in order to build up the country after the recent economic
disasters of the Great Leap.
Fourthly and related to this,
the ex-USSR had withdrawn all its aid in 1960. This was a blow to the CCP.
Khrushchev had retaliated for the purging of Peng Dehuai, and the challenge
that the CCP posed at a world level, to the authority of the ex-USSR as
the "senior party".
Fifthly, Mao had seen a possibility
to dissolve the Red Facade. But disagreeing with this, Liu’s faction had
attacked the general policy of "class harmony".
For example, members of the CHINA PEASANTS
AND WORKERS DEMOCRATIC PARTY (CPWDP), were attacked at the May 1957 National
People’s Congress. At this meeting (held after the "Let a 100 Flowers and
a 100 Schools Contend" campaign) Mao was attacked for weakening the CCP,
under pretexts that China was "unified" and the bourgeoisie was "transformed".
WU HAN who was a deputy major for Peng Zhen, led the attack :
"Suddenly something over a year ago, after the
20th Congress of the CPSU after the Hungarian incident and after the appearance
of a high tide of anti-communism in various countries of the world, and
after the issuing of the call for long term co-existence and mutual supervision
they (Chang Po-Chun and Lo Lung-Chi) took stock of the international and
internal situation and estimated that a change of climate must take place,
and that the Communist Party could not long survive and there were great
possibilities for the democratic parties."
This signalled the attack by the Liu Shaoqi
faction on the policy of "Long term co-existence and mutual supervision
between the Communists and the democratic parties, at the 1957 session
of the National Peoples Congress". (R.MacFarquhar; Ibid; Vol 1;
(Roderick MacFarquhar:"Origins of the Cultural Revolution" Vol 1; Ibid.
Sixthly: The USA supported the
revisionists of the USSR in their attacks launched at the 20th party congress.
As long as Mao was still dominating the ruling circles of the CCP, a guarded
support for the Khrushchev forces was appropriate. Both Mao and Khrushchev,
after all were objectively linked to the USA. Now that the resolutely national
bourgeoisie under Liu Shaoqi had asserted their dominance, kow-towing to
the USA was not desired by Liu’s faction. As the CCP said after it had
dealt with Mao temporarily :
"In complete disregard of the common conclusion of the
1957 declaration that US imperialism is the enemy of all the people of
the world, the leadership of the CPSU passionately sought collaboration
with US imperialism.. Particularly around the time of the Camp David Talks
in September 1959, Khrushchev lauded Eisenhower to the skies." ("The
Origin and Development of the Differences Between the Leadership of the
CPSU and Ourselves."; Peking; 1963; p.24).
It would take Mao’s supposed "Cultural
Proletarian Revolution" to again change the Chinese line toward support
of the USA.
Thus the alliance of forces favoured
the open launch by the CCP, of a full attack on the Khrushchev forces.
The national capitalist class was forced to build up its industrial base
without any aid from the ex-USSR. The pro-USA section of the Chinese capitalist
class was forced to accept the temporary victory of the anti-USA national
bourgeois. They were to resort to the anti-CCP anti-Party strategy of the
so called "Cultural Revolution", to win back power. Only then would Mao
openly ally the CPC with the USA. This was signalled by Nixon’s pompous
visit to China.
5. MAO’S FOREIGN POLICY
This aimed to support the same USA
forces who had once seen that Mao was a "radish communist". The support
took the form of three main thrusts :
The First under the guise of
a spurious theory of "Three worlds" would force the proletariat to ally
with their enemies;
The Second under the supposed
theory of an ‘encirclement’, would put the world’s peasantry at the leadership
of the world’s progressives; thereby denying the proletariat’s leading
The Third was simply to endorse
wherever needed the puppets placed into power by the USA around the world.
Maoist revisionist foreign policy vastly
compounded the enormous disruption to the world proletariat, after Stalin’s
I) THE "THEORY OF THE THREE
This pseudo theory was pronounced by
the "rehabilitated" Deng Xiaoping, representing Mao himself, following
the "cultural counter -revolution". Deng presented this ‘theory’ to the
United Nation in April 1974. (See ‘Politics of China" Ed R.MacFarquhar;
Ibid; p. 291).
The Albanian Marxist-Leninist, Enver
Hoxha pointed out that after the October Revolution Lenin and Stalin had
"There are now two worlds: the old world of capitalism,
that is now in a state of confusion but which will never surrender voluntarily,
and the rising new world, which is still very weak, but which will grow
for it is invincible."
Clearly Lenin and Stalin’s views are in
dire contradiction with the Maoist dictum of Three Worlds. In Mao’s Atheory"
(Hoxha, Enver: "Imperialism and the revolution" in Selected Works [Hereafter
EH SW] Tirana Volume V; p. 553; 1985 : Citing V.Lenin : CW vol 33 p 153-54
The "First World" was the "super
imperialists"; the USA and the former USSR; the "Second World" was
formed by those lower rank capitalists countries like the European capitalists
and "The Third World" was the
so called spear head of revolution; in the impoverished colonial and semi-colonial
The problems of this analysis; one
that is not even based on any factual data, are manifest. The Marxist-Leninist
Enver Hoxha has exposed these problems well:
"The Chinese leadership takes no account of the fact
that in the "Third World" there are oppressed and oppressors, the proletariat
and the enslaved, poverty stricken and destitute peasantry, on the one
hand, and the capitalists and the landowners, who exploit and fleece the
people on the other. To fail to point out this class situation in the so-called
Third World, to fail to point out the antagonisms which exist, means to
revise Marxism-Leninism and defend capitalism. In the countries of the
so-called third world, in general, the capitalist bourgeoisie is in power.
This bourgeoisie exploits the poor people in its own class interests to
make the largest possible profit for itself and to keep the people in perpetual
slavery and misery."
The practical consequences of this "theory"
has been the formation of unprincipled alliances with the most unsavoury
fascist elements world wide, justified because they are in the so called
"Third World". This is described below :
"Social imperialist China too is making great efforts
to penetrate in both former colonial and semi-colonial countries. A example..
is provided by Zaire, a country ruled by the clique around Mobutu, the
wealthiest and most bloodthirsty clique on the African continent. In the
fighting.. recently in Morocco.. the Sherifian Kingdom of Morocco, the
French Air Force and China all rushed to the aid of Mobutu the murderer
of Patrice Lumumba.. What do the Chinese revisionists want in ..Zaire?...
The Chinese social-imperialists are interfering in the affairs not only
of that country, but also of other peoples and countries of Africa and
other continents.. Even the USA dare not assist Pinochet the fascist hangman
of Chile so openly as China is doing.. Under the guise of Marxism-Leninism,
China is trying to show it is allegedly exporting the idea of revolution..
But China is exporting the idea of the counter-revolution.."
(EH SW; Vol 5; Ibid; p.556).
(Enver Hoxha Ibid; p. 516).
Indeed many of the states supported by China have not any
shred of a claim to being even progressive :
"Many of the states which the Chinese leadership includes
in the '3rd World', are not opposed to American imperialism and Soviet
social imperialism. To call such states "the main force of the revolution
and the struggle against imperialism" as Mao Ze Dong advocates is a glaring
(Enver Hoxha Ibid; p. 557).
The problems of this so called theory
as applied to the "Second World", are obvious. The Maoists "marginalise"
the metropolitan countries’ proletariat struggle, by pointing to the "Third
World" as the important struggle. The theory even justifies the nonsensical
theory of the super-profits being used to benefit the proletariat of the
metropolitan countries. This lie makes the proletariat of the metropolitan
countries, supposedly the accomplices of the ruling class in the rape and
exploitation of the semi-colonial world. This is untrue.
As Hoxha points out, the result in
the so called "Second World" of this "theory" of Mao is a rejection of
proletarian consciousness :
"Where the big capitalist bourgeoisie and the big imperialist
of yesterday, who are still imperialist are ruling. In the countries of
the so called Asecond world", there is a large and powerful proletariat
which is exploited to the bone, which is kept down by crushing laws, the
army, the police, the trade unions, by all those weapons of the dictatorship
of the bourgeoisie.. the Chinese revisionists ignore the proletariat."
(Enver Hoxha Ibid; p. 557).
In contrast to Mao, Hoxha took the position
of the leaders - Lenin and Stalin. In his address to the 7th Congress of
the Party of Labour Of Albania held in Tirana in November 1976, Fist Secretary
Hoxha referred to :
"What is called the ‘second world’ the ‘third world’
the ‘non-aligned world’, or the ‘developing countries’. All these terms,
which refer to the various political forces acting in the world today,
cover up and do not bring out the class character of these political forces.
The fundamental contradictions of our epoch, the key problem which is predominant
today on a national and international scale, the ruthless struggle between
the bourgeois-imperialist world, the one hand, and socialism, the world
proletariat and its natural allies on the other.. Marxism-Leninism teaches
us that in our epoch, countries are grouped according to the social system
prevailing in them, into bourgeois capitalist and socialist countries".
II) THE "THEORY" OF THE ENCIRCLEMENT
OF THE CITIES BY THE COUNTRYSIDE
(Hoxha: Report Submitted to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labour
of Albania; Tirana; 1977; p. 172-3).
"In 1965 Lin Biao had declared that just as the rural
revolutionaries had surrounded and strangled China’s cities in 1948 and
1949, so now would the impoverished AThird World" countries surround and
strangle the super-powers and the rest of the advanced capitalist nations.
This statement became a basic formula for Chinese foreign policy during
the Cultural Revolution.."
This took up the "theory" first expounded
in Mao’s works such as the "Establishment of Base Areas" in Volume ii of
the selected Works, (Peking 1965; p.93-102) under the heading "Problems
of strategy in guerrilla war against Japan". This was extended to become
a world wide application. As Lin Biao put it :
(Spence J: Ibid; p. 627.)
"It must be emphasised that Comrade Mao Tse-Tung’s theory
of the establishment of rural revolutionary base areas and the encirclement
of cities from the countryside is of outstanding and universal practical
importance for the present revolutionary struggles of all oppressed nation
and peoples, and particularly for the revolutionary struggles of the oppressed
nations and peoples in Asia, Africa, and Latin America against imperialism
and its lackeys.. The basic political and economic conditions of many of
these countries have many similarities to those that prevailed in China,
the peasant question is extremely important in these regions. The peasant
constitute the main force of the national-democratic revolution against
imperialisms and their lackeys... The countryside and the countryside alone
can provide the revolutionary bases from which the revolutionaries can
go forward to final victory. Precisely for this reason Comrade Mao Tse-Tung’s
theory of establishing revolutionary base areas in the rural areas and
encircling the cities from the countryside is attracting more and more
attention among the people in these regions."
Of course, Lin Biao was the head gardener
of the weed of "Mao Ze Dong Thought". Also we discussed the period when
the "theory" of base encirclement arose. But we did not emphasise at the
time that in fact, the "Long March" was a forced retreat. It was not a
master stroke of military all-knowing genius that underlay it, it was simply
put a retreat. This elevation of a retreat to a theory begins to explain
the disastrous results of this "theory". In India it decimated a whole
generation of valiant fighters who forsook the proletarian masses in the
cities to go into the countryside to launch "revolution in the rural areas".
They were wiped out by the Indian army. The Maoist CPI(ML) still grapples
with the legacy of the Naxalbari adventurist Risings.
(Lin Biao ALong Live The People’s Victory"; Peking; 1965).
This "theory" is linked to the "Theory
of the Three Worlds". Both emphasise the peasantry and place the proletariat
far behind. Whatever else this is, this is not Marxism-Leninism. Mao had
long been a proponent of the peasant over the proletariat; reflecting his
refusal to accept Marxism-Leninism.
Indeed his famous report of February
1927; "Report on an Investigation of the Peasant movement in Hunan", was
explicitly written to draw attention to the peasant. But as he did this
he placed them above the workers. In the report as it was originally written,
Mao allotted 70% of the achievements of the national democratic revolution
to the peasantry :
"To give credits where they are due; if we allot ten
points of the accomplishments of the democratic revolution, then the achievements
of the urban dwellers and the military units rate only three points while
the remaining seven points go to the peasants in the rural revolution."
(Mao Report A In AMao Tse Tung hsuan-chi (Sel Work) Vol 1;Edition Of
This passage was significantly amended
to make it more ‘acceptable’ in the 1951 edition. Appropriately, for this
type of mentality, in this same article, Mao originally allots the "leading
force" to the peasants :
"This great mass of the poor peasants are.. The vanguard
in the overthrow of the feudal forces.." Mao Ibid; p.32.
Again, by the time of the 1951 edition,
this version was altered. Now it reads that the leading role belongs to
the Communist Party!
Mao knew the "formulae" of Marx, Engels,
Lenin and Stalin, but clearly did not either believe them or enact them.
iii) FURTHER PRACTICAL SUPPORT
TO USA IMPERIALISM
After the victory of Mao in the "cultural
revolution" the rapprochement with the USA did not take very long. From
1969 a visible change took place. On February 25th, 1971, US President
Richard Nixon told Congress of the USA :
"We are prepared to establish a dialogue with Peking...
The US is prepared to see the People’s Republic of China play a constructive
role in the family of nations."
In his First speech in Peking during his visit of February
21st to 28th, President Nixon made matters clear:
"What brings us together is that we have a common interest.
So let us in these next five days start a long march together."
From now on, the PRC established close
links with the US dominated bloc such as Pakistan and Romania; with fascist
Spain in 1973; and with other unsavoury regimes : General Ne Win of Burma
(visited PRC in August 1971); Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia (visited
in October 1971); General Sese Mobutu of Zaire ( visited in January 1973);
and Tun Abdul Razak of Malaysia (visited in 1974). The PRC supported the
regime of Yahya Khan who attempted to destroy the legitimate national liberation
struggle taking place in Bangla Desh.
The final break with the former USSR on the part of the
CCP was far from a principled Marxist-Leninist step. It was a step of convenience.
Furthermore Mao was not in the vanguard of the split. If anyone in China
was, it was the semi-reluctant National capitalist class.
The whole history of our movement after the death of Stalin
requires much thought and analysis.
WE REPEAT WITH LENIN IN HIS WORDS TO THE RUSSIAN MOVEMENT
"We declare that "Before we can UNITE, AND IN ORDER
THAT WE MAY UNITE, WE MUST FIRST of all draw firm and definite lines
of demarcation, as Iskra demands".
FINALLY WE REPEAT WITH LENIN THAT
A UNITED FRONT FOR PRACTICAL ACTIVITY NOW, DOES NOT NEED A FULL AGREEMENT
NOW ON EVERY POINT:
(VL CW Vol 5: "What is to be Done? Burning Questions Of Our Movements";
"If you must unite, Marx wrote to the party leaders,
then enter into agreements to satisfy the practical aims of the movement,
but do not allow any bargaining over principles, do not make any theoretical
'concession'. This was Marx's idea.. Without revolutionary theory there
can be no revolutionary movement".
(VL CW Vol 5: "What is to be Done? Burning Questions Of Our Movements";
WE ARE SURE THAT ALL PRINCIPLED MARXIST-LENINISTS WILL
AGREE TO THIS.
LONG LIVE MARXISM-LENINISM !
WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE !
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