ALLIANCE NOTES ON THE TWO
STAGES OF REVOLUTION IN COLONIAL TYPE COUNTRIES & STALIN’S CHINA POLICY
IN 1928
Lenin modified his "Theses on Revolution
in Semi-Colonial Countries" in debate with Mabendra
Nath Roy; (M.N.Roy). The Theses On The National
And Colonial Question Were Adopted At The 2nd Congress Of The Communist
International (CI), [Petrograd and Moscow : July 19th to August 7th, 1920].
The Theses were adopted after intense study by The National and Colonial
Commission of the Congress. Lenin and Roy disagreed over whether,
and how much to ally with the national bourgeoisie.
Roy had an unrealistic view of the
strength of the workers movements in colonial countries. Roy concluded
that the working class of colonial-type countries were in full conflict
with the entire bourgeoisie; thus support of a "liberation movement" with
any section of native bourgeoisie, must be rejected :
"It would be a mistake to assume
that the bourgeois nationalists movement expressed the sentiments and aspirations
of the general population.. in the colonies we have two contradictory forces
that cannot develop together. To support the colonial bourgeois movements
would amount to helping the growth of the national spirit which will surely
obstruct the awakening of the class consciousness in the masses." M.N.Roy:
Draft Supplementary Theses On the National and Colonial Question, 2nd Congress
CI, Cited in G.Adhikari(Ed); "Documents of the History of the Communist
Party of India", Volume 1; New Delhi; 1971 p.184, 186-8.
Roy’s formulation contradicted Lenin.
Lenin thought that in the first stage of the revolution, the bourgeois
democrats had some useful role to play:
"All the Communist parties must
assist the bourgeois democratic liberation movement in these (ie colonial
type countries-ed).. The Communist International (CI) must enter into a
temporary alliance with bourgeois democracy in colonial and backward countries."
V.I.Lenin : Preliminary Draft of Theses on National and Colonial Questions,
2nd Congress; CI in "Selected Works", Volume10, London, 1946; p. 236-7.
Lenin’s view was endorsed by the Commission.
Only one change to Lenin's original Draft
Theses was adopted by the congress. This clarified that the working class
in a colonial type country should support a bourgeois-led movement only
if it was genuinely revolutionary. The term
"bourgeois democratic" was replaced by "nationalist-revolutionary":
"I would like to particularly
emphasise the question of the bourgeois democratic movements in backward
countries. It was this question that gave rise to some disagreement. We
argued about whether it would be correct, in principle and in theory, to
declare that the CI and the CP's should support the bourgeois-democratic
movement in backward countries. As a result of this discussion we unanimously
decided to speak of the nationalist-revolutionary movements instead of
the 'bourgeois-democratic' movement. There is not the slightest doubt that
every nationalist movement can only be a bourgeois-democratic movement..
But it was agreed that if we speak about the bourgeois-democratic movement
all distinction between reformist and revolutionary movements will be obliterated;
whereas in recent times this distinction has been fully and clearly revealed
in the backward and colonial countries, of the imperialist bourgeois is
trying with all its might to implant the reformist movement also among
the oppressed nations.. In the Commission this was proved irrefutably,
and we came to the conclusion that the only correct thing to do was to
take this distinction into consideration and nearly everywhere to substitute
the term "nationalist-revolutionary" for the term "bourgeois-democratic".
The meaning of this change is that we communists should, and will, support
bourgeois liberation movements only when these movement do not hinder us
in training and organising the peasants and the broad masses of the exploited
in a revolutionary spirit.. The above mentioned distinction has now been
drawn in all the theses, and I think that, thanks to this, our point of
view has been formulated much more precisely." Lenin. Report Of Commission
on the National and Colonial Questions, Ibid, p 241
Since Roy had pointed out the vacillating
nature of the colonial bourgeoisie, Lenin acknowledged his role in the
final formulation. Roy had said :
"Afraid of revolution, the nationalist
bourgeoisie would compromise with imperialism in return for some economic
and political concessions to their class. The working class should be prepared
to take over at that crisis the leadership of the struggle of national
liberation and transform it into a revolutionary mass movement." M.N.Roy,
"Memoirs", Bombay, 1964; p.382
In fact Roy had made some serious contributions
as Lenin openly pointed out. Firstly:
Lenin saw the sense in Roy's view
- that a distinction had to be drawn within the bourgeoisie of a colonial-type
country between a section which favoured national-revolutionary struggle
against foreign imperialism (later called the "national bourgeoisie") and
a section which favoured compromise with imperialism and while it might
profess support of the national liberation movement, in practice objectively
served imperialism by damping down national-revolutionary struggle (later
called "comprador bourgeoisie").
Roy also pointed out a second correct
view. Roy in his "Draft Supplementary Theses",
saw that if the revolutionary process in a colonial type country were under
the leadership of the working class, such a country could avoid a period
of capitalist development.
"The supposition that owing to
the economic and industrial backwardness the peoples in the colonies are
bound to go through the stage of bourgeois democracy is wrong.. If from
the beginning the lead of the revolution is in the hands of the Communist
vanguard, the revolutionary masses.. would go straight ahead through the
successive periods of revolutionary experience." Roy, Draft Supplementary
Theses; Ibid. p.186
Lenin agreed with this, a concept that
was not in his own Draft Theses :
"A rather lively debate on this
question took place in the Commission, not only in connection with the
theses which I signed but still more in connection with Cmde Roy's Theses
which Cmde Roy will defend here and which with certain amendments were
adopted unanimously. The question was presented in the following way :
Can we recognise as correct the
assertion that the capitalist stage of development of national economy
is inevitable of those backward countries which are now liberating themselves?..
We reply to this question in the negative. If the revolutionary victorious
proletariat carries on a systematic propaganda amongst them, and if the
Soviet governments render them all the assistance they possibly can, it
will be wrong to assume that the capitalist stage is inevitable for the
backward nationalities. The CI must lay down and give the theoretical grounds
of the proposition that, with the aid of the proletariat of the most advanced
countries the backward countries may pass to the Soviet system and, after
passing through a definite stage of development, to Communism, without
passing through the capitalist stage of development." Lenin, Report of
the Commission, Ibid, p.243
Hence Marxist-Leninists, see that if
the working class gains leadership of the national-democratic revolution;
this revolution can be transformed relatively uninterruptedly, into a socialist
revolution. Mao disagrees with this key
point.
Thirdly,
Roy recognised that in some colonial-type countries - such as India and
China - a significant native working class existed, objectively capable
of gaining the leadership of the national-democratic revolution there :
"A new movement among the exploited
masses has started in India, which has spread rapidly and found expression
in gigantic strike movements. This mass movement is not controlled by the
revolutionary nationalists, but is developing independently in spite of
the fact that the nationalists are endeavouring to make use of it for their
own purposes. This movement of the masses is of a revolutionary character."
M.N.Roy. Speech 2nd Congress CI, Cited Adhikari, Ibid. p.191-2.
This was why Lenin approved Roy's modified
supplementary theses. Stalin
later pointed out why Roy"s additions had been needed :
"Both in his speeches and his
theses (at the 2nd Congress of CI-ed) Lenin has in mind the countries where
:
'There can be no question of a
purely proletarian movement,' where, 'There is practically no industrial
proletariat."
Why were the Supplementary Theses
needed? In order to single out from the backward colonial countries which
have no industrial proletariat such countries as China and India, of which
it cannot be said that they have 'practically no industrial proletariat'.
Read the "Supplementary Theses", and you will realise that they refer chiefly
to China and India...How could it happen that Roy's special Theses were
needed to "Supplement" Lenin's theses? The fact is that Lenin's Theses
were written and published long before the Second Congress opened.. prior
to the discussion in the Special Commission of the Second Congress. And
since the Second Congress revealed the necessity of singling out from the
backward countries such countries as China and India the necessity of 'Supplementary
Theses' arose." JVS W : "Questions of the Chinese Revolution", Vol 9; p.236-238.
In the absence of a significant working
class in the colonial country, a different leadership was necessary. Lenin
in his Report and Theses at the 2nd congress of the CI saw here, the leadership
of the national democratic revolution being exercised by the working class
of the developed capitalist countries, in particular by the working class
of Soviet Russia :
"If the revolutionary victorious
proletariat carries on systematic propaganda among them, and if the Soviet
governments render them all the assistance they possibly can.. the backward
countries may pass to the Soviet system, and after passing through a definite
stage of development to Communism without passing though the capitalists
stage of development." Lenin. Report on the Commission. Ibid, p.243.
Roy had thought that the whole bourgeoisie
in colonial-type countries is counter-revolutionary. This was incorrect.
But it contains an element of truth. i.e. When
the working class is seen to win the leadership of the national-democratic
movements, even the national bourgeoisie will desert the national democratic
revolution and go over to the imperialist counter-revolution. They
will prefer even a subordinate exploiting position under imperialism, to
the possibility that the working class will use its leading position, to
transform the national-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution.
This Marxist-Leninist position was put in the "Theses
on the Eastern Question", adopted by the 4th Congress of the CI in November
1922.
"At first the indigenous (national-ed)
bourgeois and intelligentsia are the champions of the colonial revolutionary
movements, but as the proletarian and semi-proletarian peasant masses are
drawn in, the bourgeois and bourgeois-agrarian elements begin to turn away
from the movement in proportion as the social interests of the lower classes
of people come to the forefront." Theses on the Eastern Question, 4th Congress
CI, J.Degras(ed)"The Communist International: 1919-1943: Documents",Volume
1; London; 1971; p.388.
B) STALIN AND THE 1927 CHINESE REVOLUTION
Stalin, in 1925, distinguished "at
least three categories of colonial and dependent countries":
"Firstly countries like
Morocco who have little or no proletariat, and are industrially quite undeveloped.
Secondly countries like China and Egypt which are under-developed
industries and have a relatively small proletariat. Thirdly countries
like India.. capitalistically more or less developed and have a more or
less numerous national proletariat. Clearly all these countries cannot
possibly be put on a par with one another." JVS W : Vol 7 : "Political
Tasks of the University of thePeople's of the East. Speech Delivered at
a meeting of Students of the Communist University of the Toilers of the
East", May 18th, 1925. pp. 135-146.
In each country the conditions were
different and had to be concretely studied before deciding the exact tactic:
"In countries like Egypt and
China, where the national bourgeoisie has already split up into a revolutionary
party and a compromising party, but where the compromising section of the
bourgeoises is not yet able to join up with imperialism, the Communists
can no longer set themselves the aim of forming a united national front
against imperialism. In such countries the Communists must pass from the
policy of a united national front to the policy of a revolutionary bloc
of the workers and the petty bourgeoisie. In such countries that bloc can
assume the form of a single party, a workers and peasants" party, provided,
however, that this distinctive party actually represents a bloc of two
forces - the Communist Party and the party of the revolutionary petty bourgeois.
The tasks of this bloc are to expose the half-heartedness and inconsistency
of the national bourgeoisie and to wage a determined struggle against imperialism.
Such a dual party is necessary and expedient provided it does not bind
the Communist Party hand and foot, provided it does not restrict the freedom
of the Communist Party to conduct agitation and propaganda work, provided
it does not hinder the rallying of the proletarians around and provided
it facilitates the actual leadership of the revolutionary movement by the
Communist party. Such a dual party is unnecessary and inexpedient if to
does not conform to all these conditions for it can only lead to the Communist
elements becoming dissolved in the ranks of the bourgeoisie to the Communist
Party losing the proletarian army.
The situation is somewhat different
in countries like India.
The fundamental and new feature of the conditions of life in countries
like India is not only that the national bourgeoisie has split up into
a revolutionary part and a compromising part, but primarily that the compromising
section of the bourgeoisie has already managed, in the main, to strike
a deal with imperialism, Fearing revolution more than it fears imperialism,
and concerned with more about its money bags than about the interests of
its own country, this section of the bourgeoisie is going over entirely
to the camp of the irreconcilable enemies of the revolution, it is forming
a bloc with imperialism against the workers and peasants of its own country."
JVS Works; "Tasks of University of People's of East", Ibid; May 18th, 1925.
pp. 135-146.
The stages of the revolution flowed
from the CI Theses. Stalin analysed the situation as follows:
"What are the stages in the Chinese
Revolution? In my opinion there should be three:
The first stage is the revolution
of an all-national united front, the Canton period, when the revolution
was striking chiefly at foreign imperialism, and the national bourgeoisie
supported the revolutionary movement;
The second stage is the bourgeois
democratic revolution, after the national troops reached the Yangtze River,
when the national bourgeoisie deserted the revolution and the agrarian
movement grew into a mighty revolution of tens of millions of the peasantry.
The Chinese revolution is now at the second stage of its development;
The third stage is the Soviet revolution
which has not yet come, but will come." J.V.Stalin; "On the International
Situation and the Defence of the USS"; Joint Plenum of CC and the CPSU
Control Commission; August 1 1927. Vol 10; p.16-17
Stalin"s First Stage And The Second
Stage Together Constitute What Is Termed The Bourgeois
Democratic Revolution. Stalin emphasised that
the "main axis" was the agrarian movement:
"The characteristic feature ..
Of the Turkish revolution (The Kemalists).. is that it got stuck at the
"first step", at the first stage of its development, at the stage of the
bourgeois liberation movement, without even attempting to pass to the second
stage of its development, the stage of the agrarian revolution." Stalin;
Ibid; p.346
Unfortunately, the CCP rejected Stalin’s
advice on moving from the first stage to the second stage using the agrarian
revolution. Because of this the CCP was defeated; allowing Trotsky And
Zinoviev a pretext to attack Stalin.The desertion of the Chinese Kuomintang
Right Faction had been fully anticipated by Stalin in February 1926:
"It is necessary to adopt the
course of arming the workers and peasants and converting the peasant committees
in the localities into actual organs of governmental authority equipped
with armed self-defence, etc.. The CP must not come forward as a brake
on the mass movement; the CP should not cover up the treacherous and reactionary
policy of the Kuomintang Rights, and should mobilise the masses around
the Kuomintang and the CCP on the basis of exposing the Rights... The Chinese
revolution is passing through a critical period, and.. it can achieve further
victories only by resolutely adopting the course of developing the mass
movement. Otherwise a tremendous danger threatens the revolution. The fulfilment
of directives is therefore more necessary than ever before." ECCI Directive
to the CCP; February 1926; Cited JVS W : Vol 10; p.21
Stalin had repeatedly urged the CCP,
through 1926 and early 1927 to break the bloc with the right KMT and move
to a militant revolutionary struggle. The CCP did not heed this.
"The victory of the revolution
cannot be achieved unless this bloc is smashed, but in order to smash this
bloc, fire must be concentrated on the compromising national bourgeoisie,
its treachery exposed, the toiling masses freed from its influence, and
the conditions necessary of the hegemony of the proletariat systematically
prepared. In other words, in colonies like India it is a matter of preparing
the proletariat for the role of leader of the liberation movement, step
by step dislodging the bourgeoisie and its mouthpieces from this honourable
post. The task is to create an anti-imperialist bloc and to ensure the
hegemony of the proletariat in this bloc. This bloc can assume although
it need not always necessarily do so, the form of a single Workers and
Peasants Party, formally bound by a single platform. In such centuries
the independence of the Communist Party must be, the chief slogan of the
advanced communist elements, of the hegemony of the proletariat can be
prepared and brought about by the Communist party. But the communist party
can and must enter into an open bloc with the revolutionary part of the
bourgeoisie in order, after isolating the compromising national bourgeoisie,
to lead the vast masses of the urban and rural petty bourgeoisie in the
struggle against imperialism." J.V.Stalin "Stalin's Letters to Molotov";
Edited Lars T.Lih; Oleg V. Naumov; and Oleg V. Khlevniuk; Yale 1995; p.318-9.
The EXECUTIVE
COUNCIL CI (ECCI) adopted Stalin"s view;
in a directive sent to the CC of the CCP in February 1926. At the 7th Plenum
of ECCI, (Moscow November 22nd to December 16th, 1926), the "RESOLUTION
ON THE CHINESE SITUATION" followed Stalin.The
ECCI made clear that the working class had a choice: Either
attempt to maintain the alliance with the national bourgeoisie, who were
on the point of desertion of the national democratic revolution; Or;
cement an alliance with the peasantry through the agrarian revolution.
Failing to choose the latter would be disastrous :
"The fear that the aggravation
of the class struggle in the countryside will weaken the united anti-imperialist
front is baseless.. Not to approach the agrarian question boldly by supporting
all the economic demands of the peasant masses is positively dangerous
for the revolution. To refuse to assign to the agrarian revolution a prominent
place in the national-liberation movement for the fear of offending the
dubious and disloyal cooperation of a section of the capitalist class is
wrong. this is not the revolutionary policy of the proletariat.
The present situation is characterised
by its transitional nature when the proletariat must choose between allying
itself with a considerable section of the bourgeoisie or further consolidating
its own alliance with the peasantry. If the proletariat does not put forward
a radical programme it will fail to attract the peasantry into the revolutionary
struggle and will lose its hegemony in the national-liberation movement.
Under direct or indirect imperialist influence, the bourgeoisie will regain
the leadership of the movement once more." Ibid; p.318.
As well as mass work, the CCP should
work through the KMT government and the revolutionary army:
"The revolutionary armies will
strike root in the peasant masses as the standard bearer of agrarian revolution..
The CCP and their revolutionary allies must penetrate the new government,
so as to give practical expression to their agrarian programme by using
the government machinery to confiscate land, reduce taxes, and invest real
power in the peasant committees, thus carrying out progressive reforms
on the basis of a revolutionary programme.
The Communist must enter the Canton
government in order to support the revolutionary Left wing in its struggle
against the weak and vacillating policy of the Right..
The Communists must stay in the
Kuomintang and intensify their work in it.. The CCP must strive to develop
the KMT into a real peoples' party.. a solid revolutionary bloc of the
proletariat, peasantry, the urban petty bourgeoisie and the other oppressed
and exploited strata of the population. For this the CCP must work along
the following lines
a) Systematic and determined struggle
against the .. right wing attempting to convert the KMT into a bourgeois
party.
b) Definite formation of a Left
wing in the KMT and establishment of close cooperation with it." Ibid;
p.140-141.
To help implement the ECCI 7th Plenum
Theses by the CCP, in January 1927, M.N.Roy was sent as a special ECCI
representative. But the CCP did not heed the warning signs and advice,
to escape the struggle from the CI and Stalin. The Chinese national bourgeois
led by Chiang Kai-Shek; launched its coup on April 12th, 192, viciously
butchering the Shanghai
workers, and the militants of the CCP. Stalin commented :
"In the First period of the Chinese
revolution.. the national bourgeoisie (not the compradors) sided with the
revolution...Chiang Kai-Shek's coup marks the desertion of the national
bourgeoisie from revolution". April, 1927.
JVS Works:'Question of Chinese Revolution'
Vol 9; p. 226, 229
Even now, Roy"s arguments were rejected.
But Roy managed to pressure the CCP to hold the 5TH CCP Congress in Wuhan
(April 27th to May 9th 1927). Chen argued to delay the agrarian revolution.
But Roy’s pressure forced the CCP, to verbally accept the ECCI line; however
this was short lived. The CCP leadership refused to follow even their own
5th Congress directives. On May 21st, 1927 Colonel Hsu Ke-hsiang seized
control of Changsha, and launched a White terror. 20,000 workers and peasants
were killed. The CCP sabotaged the peasant army in its attempt to fight
back, and forced a retreat. They were then of course easy fodder, and were
slaughtered. Still, the CCP and Borodin refused to go to the masses. Chen
Tu-hsiu's line was traitorous:
"The basic point in all Chen Tu-hsiu's
speeches has been the demand that the general leadership in the movement
be handed over to the KMT". Tsia Ho-sen: "Istoriia opportunizma v Kommunisticheskoi
Partii Kitaia" (An account of Opportunism In the Chinese Communist Party)
In :"Problemy Kitaia" (Chinese Problems); No. 1, 1929; p.35.
Desperate, Roy wired the ECCI for support.
A reply telegram from the ECCI, on May 30th, 1927; buttressed Roy.
Meanwhile the Wuhan Left KMT met Chiang Kai-Shek, and Feng Yu-hsiang and
combined against the CCP. Roy again warned
the CCP leadership that a coup was imminent. Again
this warning was ignored. The CCP refused to launch agrarian struggle.
Instead Chen Tu-hsiu
wrote a telegram to the ECCI :
"90% of the National Army are..
opposed to excesses in the peasants' movement. In such a situation, not
only the KMT but also the CCP is obliged to adopt a policy of concessions,
It is necessary to correct excesses and to moderate the activities of the
confiscation of land." Chen Tu-hsiu: Telegram to ECCI; June 15th 1927;
In M.N.Roy :"Revolution and Counter revolution in China"; Calcutta; 1946;
p.482.
Now the CC dismantled the workers struggle
and peasants struggles, fearing a rupture with the KMT. The two Communist
ministers resigned, to make the government appear "more respectable"!
All to no avail. On July 15th, the KMT expelled members of the CCP from
the KMT and the army.
The ECCI Resolution of July 14th
had noted that :
"The revolutionary role of the
Wuhan Government is played out; it is becoming a counter-revolutionary
force". ECCI: Resolution On the Present Situation on the Chinese Revolution,
in : "International press Correspondence", Volume 7, No. 44; July 28th;
1927; p.984.
A White Terror ensued
:
"Between January and August 1928
alone, more than 100,000 people lost their lives. The Party organisations
suffered serious damage. By the end of 1927 Party membership had been reduced
from more than 50,000 to some 10,000." Deng Mao;"Deng Xiaoping - My Father";
New York; 1995; p.119
Stalin characterised the new development
as the desertion of the petty-bourgeois intelligentsia from the revolution:
"The present period is marked
by the desertion of the Wuhan leadership of the KMT to the camp of counter-revolutionary
intelligentsia from the revolution.. This desertion is due firstly to the
fear .. In face of the agrarian revolution and to the pressure of the feudal
landlords on the Wuhan leadership, and secondly to the pressure of the
imperialists in the Tientsin are who are demanding that the KMT break with
the Communists as the price for permitting its passage Northwards." J.V.Stalin
Works: "Notes on Contemporary Themes"; Vol 9; p.366-67.
But Stalin pointed out that NOW
it was correct to propagandise in favour of the formation of soviets :
"If in the near future - not necessarily
in a couple of months, but in 6 months or a year from now, a new upsurge
of the revolution should become a fact, the question of forming Soviets
of Workers and peasant" deputies may become a live issue as a slogan of
the day, and as a counterpoise to the bourgeoisie. Why? Because if there
has been an upsurge of the revolution in its present phase of development,
the formation of Soviets will be an issue that has come fully mature. Recently
a few months ago it would have been wrong for the CCP to issue the slogan
of forming soviets, for that would been adventurism, which is characteristic
of our opposition, for the KMT leadership had not yet discredited itself
as an enemy of the revolution. Now on the contrary, the slogan of forming
Soviets may become a really revolutionary slogan if (If!) A new and powerful
revolutionary upsurge takes place in the near future. Consequently alongside
the fight to replace the present KMT leadership by a revolutionary leadership
it is necessary at once even before the upsurge begins to conduct the widest
propaganda for the idea of Soviets among the broad masses of the working
people, without running too far ahead and forming Soviets immediately,
remembering that Soviets can only flourish at a time of powerful revolutionary
upsurge." J.V.S. W: "Notes on Contemporary Themes"; Vol 9; p.366-7.
Here Stalin rebuked Trotsky who
had been calling for "Soviet Now!" for
some time, quite incorrectly. The ECCI instructed the CCP to resign from
the Wuhan Government apparatus whilst simultaneously staying within the
KMT, and turn it into a bloc LED by the working class; that the arming
of peasants and workers was crucial; that an illegal party apparatus be
built up. Finally, the resolution attacked the CCP for its grave right
opportunist errors :
"The leaders of the CCP have pursued
a policy of damming back the masses. The revolutionary instruction of the
ECCI were rejected by the leaders of the CCP. Matters even went so far
that the CCP "agreed" to the disarming of workers"" Resolution of the ECCI:
"On the Present Situation of the Chinese Revolution"; Ibid; Inprecorr July
28th; 1927.
Unfortunately, The CCP now swung from
Right Opportunism into Left Wing Adventurism. They tried to organise an
uprising in Nanchang, in July 1927. Zhou En Lai, Mao Ze Dong, Chu De, Li
Li-San and others were involved. Stalin disavowed this military adventurism
:
"The whole business of the Southern
revolutionary movement, the departure of the troops of Yeh Ting and Ho
Lung from Wuhan, their march into Kwantung and so forth- I want to say
that all this was undertaken on the initiative of the CCP". J.V.S. Works:
"The Political Complexion of the Russian pposition"; Vol 10; p.161-2.
The CCP eventually did launch agrarian
struggle. But they were now consistently ultra-left in their theory and
practice. Mao Ze Dong was one who preached at this stage: "Socialism now".
Stalin stated :
"The Comintern was and still is
of the opinion that the basis of the revolution in China at the present
period is the agrarian -peasant revolution" J.V.S. W: "The Political Complexion
of the Russian Opposition"; Vol 10; p. 161.
Yet Mao took a Trotskyite line. He
argued that the line of the ECCI and Stalin had been wrong for some time.
On August 20th Mao wrote to the CCP CC misrepresenting the ECCI position:
"The international proposes the
immediate establishment of Soviets of workers and peasants and soldiers
in China. Objectively China has long since reached 1917, but formerly everyone
held the opinion that we were in 1905. This has been an extremely great
error. Soviets of workers, peasants, and soldiers are wholly adapted to
the objective situation. In the period of soviets of workers, peasants
and soldiers, we should no longer use the flag of the KMT. We must raise
high the flag of the CCP to oppose the flag of the KMT." Mao : In "Chung
-Yang tung-hsin" (Central Newsletter) No.3; August 30th 1927, p.38-41.
It was in this Ultra-Left spirit that
a hastily and ill prepared insurrection was carried out. The Canton Insurrection
of December 11th, 1928 was an instance of a completely failed "putsch",
as opposed to a proletarian uprising. Here a major portion of blame lies
With Heinz Neumann an Ultra-Left ECCI representative. The "Canton Commune",
was drowned in blood as the KMT smashed it. The ECCI again criticised the
CCP, in February 1928 at the 9th Plenum of the ECCI :
"The Canton Insurrection.. A heroic
attempt of the proletariat.. Revealed a whole series of blunders by the
leaders:- Insufficient work among the workers and peasants, and among the
enemy forces, a wrong appraisal of the yellow trade unions; inadequate
preparation of the party organisation and the Young Communist League...
complete ignorance of the national party center of the Canton events, weaknesses
in the political mobilisation of the masses". Resolution On Chinese Question
of the 9th Plenum of the ECCI In "International Press Correspondence",
Vol 8, No.16;March 15th, 1928; p. 322.
Mao helped "plan" this adventure. He
also organised another putsch the military attack upon CHANGSHA.
This was a part of a mission he was given to enter Hunan to carry out the
"AUTUMN HARVEST UPRISING".
"In September 1927 Mao Ze Dong
was entrusted by the Central Committee to go to Hunan as its special representative
to organise the.. Autumn Harvest Uprising and to found the 5,000 strong
1st Division of the 1st Corps of the Chinese Workers and Peasants Revolutionary
Army." Deng Mao Mao; Ibid; p.121.
Unfortunately, Mao again would not
apply Marxism-Leninism. Mao explained his Programme to Edgar Snow :
"My programme there called for the
realisation of 5 points:
1. Complete severance of the provincial
party from the KMT;
2. Organisation of a peasant worker
revolutionary army;
3. Confiscation of the property
of small and middle and as well great landlords;
4. Setting up the power of the CP in
Hunan independent of the KMT; and
5. The organisation of the Soviets.
The fifth point at that time was
opposed by the Comintern." Mao Ze Dong: Cited by E.Snow; "Red Star Over
China"; London; 1937; p.163.
In fact only on points 1, 2 and 4,
was Mao fully consistent with the ECCI. The other points were Leftist deviations.
Stalin had pointed out that IF
conditions were mature, Soviets were appropriate :
"If in the near future - not necessarily
in a couple of months, but in 6 months or a year from now, a new upsurge
of the revolution should become a fact, the question of forming Soviets
of Workers and peasant" deputies may become a live issue as a slogan of
the day, and as a counterpoise to the bourgeoisie. Why? Because if there
has been an upsurge of the revolution in its present phase of development,
the formation of Soviets will be an issue that has come fully mature....
if (IF!) A new and powerful revolutionary upsurge takes place in the near
future". JVS Works : "Notes on Contemporary Themes" Ibid; vol 9; p.366
Given the "putchism", and the decimation
of forces, conditions were not ripe, as Mao alleged. As Stalin had pointed
out to Trotsky :
"The opposition does not understand
that the point is not at all to be the "first" in saying a thing; running
too far ahead and disorganising the revolution, but to say it at the right
time and to say it in such a way that it will be taken up by the masses
and put into practice." JVS W: "Notes On Contemporary Themes"; Vol 9; p.369.