1. WHAT IS REFORMISM?
The trend in the labour movement
which seeks to limit the aims of the working class to securing piecemeal
social reforms within the framework of capitalism. In practice, reformism
rejects the concept of class antagonism between the working class and the
capitalist class, and preaches that social reform can be brought about
gradually by a policy of class collaboration of the working class with
the capitalist class. The great majority of the leaders of the British
labour movement have long been reformist. Their practice of class collaboration
has led them to become unprincipled opponents of any militant action on
the part of the workers. Taken in conjunction with their aim of bringing
about social reforms only within capitalist society, it necessarily leads
them to support such policies as may be necessary to make capitalism function
profitably. Their resultant role as lieutenants of the capitalist class
within the labour movement is demonstrated daily.
2. WHAT IS FABIANISM?
The theoretical basis of reformism
in Britain, elaborated by intellectuals of the Fabian Society such as the
sociologists Sidney and Beatrice Webb and the author George Bernard Shaw.
The name is derived fron the Roman general Fabius Cunctator ('The Delayer'),
who developed a military theory of guerilla war against a more powerful
enemy. Fabianism holds that a capitalist society can be transformed into
a socialist society without violent opposition from the capitalst class
if the transformation is brought about in sufficiently small steps. In
consequence, any proposed social reform which arouses the violent opposition
of the capitalist class is 'too drastic' for the Fabians and must be postponed.
But since any proposed social reform which would make a serious inroad
into capitalist society would arouse the violent hostility of the capitalist
class, the logical consequence of acceptance of Fabianism is to postpone
any radical reform to the indefinite future.
3. IT IS OBVIOUS THAT THE VIEW
THAT THE WORKING CLASS CAN GAIN MORE BY PURSUING A POLICY OF CLASS COLLABORATION
THAN BY PURSUING A POLICY OF CLASS STRUGGLE IS AN ILLUSION.
NEVERTHELESS, IF THE WORKING
CLASS HAD MADE NO GAINS DURING THE PERIOD OF THE DOMINANCE OF REFORMISM
IN THE BRITISH LABOUR MOVEMENT THIS ILLUSION WOULD HAVE BEEN DISCARDED
LONG AGO.
THE BASIS FOR THE MAINTENANCE
OF REFORMISM HAS BEEN REAL GAINS BY THE WORKING CLASS.
WHAT HAS BEEN THE SOURCE OF
THESE REAL GAINS?
The
first workers' organisations in Britain (before 1815) were militant and
socialist (and illegal). But Britain became the first industrialised country
in the world -- the 'workshop of the world' -- and as a result the British
capitalist class was able, at a relatively early date, to build up 'an
Empire on which the sun never sets'!
From about
1850, they began to use a small portion of the vast super-profits flowing
in from Britain's colonies and semi-colonies to 'bribe' an upper stratum
of skilled craftsmen by paying them slightly above the value of their labour-power.
It was out of this labour aristocracy that a new kind of trade unionism
grew -- the 'New Model Unions' -- which rejected class struggle and socialist
aims and confined their activities to collective bargaining on questions
of pay, working hours, etc.
It must be
said, however, that the larger portion of these super-profits was used
for the accumulation of capital, giving rise to a large increase in productivity,
in the 'degree of civilisation' existing in Britain, and so in the value
of labour- power. The real gains accruing to the working class in Britain
over the past hundred years -- gains which have furnished the basis for
the illusion of reformism -- have been due primarily to the rise in the
value of labour power, and to the fact that the adjustment of wage-levels
embodying this rise, have, for the most part, been carried out through
reformist negotiating machinery.
The real
gains of the working class in Britain over the past hundred years have
thus been due indirectly to the exploitation of the working people of the
colonial-type countries by the British capitalist class.
However, despite the rise in the real wages
of the British working class over this period, the rate of exploitation
of the British workers has significantly increased.
And
had it not been for 'unofficial' class struggle outside the reformist negotiating
machinery, the rate of exploitation would have increased still more. It
must be emphasised that at no time has the mass of the British working
class shared directly in colonial-type super- profits. 'Bribery' of this
kind has never affected more than a small upper stratum of the working
class, and today, after the decline of British imperialism since World
War Two, the 'labour aristocracy' consists principally of the bureaucracy
of the labour movement.
4. WE HAVE SEEN THAT A POLITICAL
PARTY IS AN ORGANISATION WHICH SERVES THE POLITICAL INTERESTS OF A SOCIAL
CLASS, OR PART OF A SOCIAL CLASS. WHAT CLASS INTERESTS ARE SERVED BY THE
CONSERVATIVE PARTY?
The Conservative Party is the
more-or-less open party of British monopoly capital, of British big business.
Insofar as working people are concerned, it directs its electoral appeal
primarily to working people whose level of class consciousness is so low
that they identify their interests with those of big business and the aristocracy.
5. WHAT CLASS INTERESTS ARE SERVED
BY THE LIBERAL DEMOCRATS?
The Liberal Democrats stand
for the maintenance of capitalist society and are hostile to the trade
unions; they thus objectively serve the interests of monopoly capital.
However, by their criticism of the Conservative Party and of monopoly,
they direct their electoral appeal to working people who, while supporting
capitalism and regarding the Labour Party as 'too extreme', are uneasy
about the development of monopoly and recognise the Conservative Party
as openly serving the interests of monopoly capital.
6. WHAT CLASS INTERESTS ARE SERVED
BY THE LABOUR PARTY?
Founded
ostensibly to give working people a 'voice' in Parliament, the Labour Party
was, in fact, never a party which served the interests of the working class,
for such a party needs to be a revolutionary socialist party, based on
Marxist-Leninist principles. Anti-Marxist from its inception, the Labour
Party preached the reformist theory that the state is a neutral apparatus
which the working class could use to serve its interests by gaining a majority
in Parliament. Their Fabian ideology led Labour Governments to operate
along lines calculated to make capitalism work profitably during the (infinitely
long) period of gradual piecemeal social reform.
Despite the
fact, therefore, that its membership is drawn mainly from working people
and that trade unions are affiliated to it, the Labour Party objectively
serves the interests of monopoly capital. In the past, it presented itself
as a party which served the interests of working people, and it directed
its electoral appeal primarily towards working people with just sufficient
class consciousness to recognise the existence of the class struggle and,
in consequence, the need for working people to have a 'workers' party'.
Its image
as a 'workers' party' enabled it, when in office, to introduce anti-working
class legislation with significantly less opposition from workers
than if such measures had been adopted by
a Conservative government. However, in the new situation following the
temporary liquidation of the international communist movement, 'New Labour',
under the leadership of Tony Blair,
has felt itself able to repudiate all pretence
of being a workers' party', and claims to represent the interests of the
whole people, specifically including business. The Labour Party forms at
present the principal reserve party of monopoly capital, a party which
can safely be permitted to form a government at times when the Conservative
Party has lost electoral support.
7. WHAT CLASS INTERESTS ARE SERVED
BY THE SOCIALIST LABOUR PARTY?
The Socialist Labour Party,
headed by miners' leader Arthur
Scargill, is
a new party which has taken over the mantle of 'Old Labour' from 'New Labour'.
Although its declared policies are more progresssive than those of 'New
Labour', not being a Marxist- Leninist revolutionary party it cannot serve
the true interests of working people. Indeed, it can only serve to divert
working people from the true path of revolutionary socialism.
Objectively,therefore,
it serves the interests of monopoly capital, and its honest members must,
sooner or later, become disillusioned in it.
8. WHAT IS REVISIONISM?
The revision of Marxism-Leninism,
under the pretence of 'creatively developing it to meet changed conditions',
in such a way as to pervert it to serve the interests of a capitalist class.
The publication in 1951 of 'The British Road to Socialism' -- which preached
that socialism could be established in Britain through 'parliamentary democracy'
-- marked the open transition of the Communist Party of Great Britain from
Marxism-Leninism to revisionism. After the death of Stalin in 1953, revisionism
became openly dominant in the great majority of parties which had formed
the international communist movement and, under the leadership of revisionist
parties, an essentially capitalist system was restored in the Soviet Union
and in most countries of Eastern Europe.
9. WHAT CLASS INTERESTS ARE SERVED
BY THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN?
The Communist Party of Britain
(CPB) represents a revival of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB).
(NOTE: After
the dissolution of the CPGB, the name was taken over by an essentially
Trotsykist group). The CPB carries forward the revisionist policies adopted
by this party and put forward in 'The British Road to Socialism'. In other
words, having abandoned the principles of Marxism- Leninism, it rejects
the need for the working class to overthrow the capitalist state in a socialist
revolution, and preaches the illusion of a peaceful, parliamentary road
to socialism. Since it seeks to divert working people away from organising
for socialist revolution -- the only road to socialism -- the CPB objectively
serves the interests of monopoly capital.
10. WHAT IS TROTSKYISM?
The
organised presentation of policies which objectively serve the interests
of monopoly capital, disguised under a cloak of pseudo-Left, pseudo-Marxist,
phraseology. In particular, it rejects the Marxist-Leninist principle that
the socialist revolution comes to fruition at different times in different
countries. The father-figure of Trotskyism, the Russian revisionist Leon
Trotsky, fought against Lenin's policy
of building a disciplined workers' party and of building an alliance with
the peasantry, fought against Lenin's and Stalin's policy of building socialism
in one country.
Finally,
behind the backs of its supporters, Trotskyism collaborated with the intelligence
services of imperialist states with the aim of overthrowing the political
power of the working class in the Soviet Union. , With the triumph of revisionism
in the international communist movement and the acceptance by the revisionists
of Trotskyism's slanders against the Soviet state, Trotskyism has, in the
absence of genuine Marxist-Leninist Parties in most countries, gained some
temporary successes in influencing militant intellectuals and students.
11. IS A MARXIST-LENINIST PARTY
NECESSARY TO BRING ABOUT A SOCIALIST REVOLUTION?
Yes, it is essential. We have
seen that socialism cannot be established without the building by the working
class of a machinery of force capable of seizing political power from and
defeating the machinery of force of the capitalist class. But just as an
army cannot wage a successful war without a General Staff to lead and coordinate
its military ativity, so the 'army' of the working class cannot lead to
victory a revolutionary war against the forces of the capitalist state
without its own 'General Staff' to lead it and coordinate its activity.
This vanguard organisation of the working class cannot be a political party
of the old type of the Labour Party, which is designed for electoral/parliamentary
activity within the framework of 'parliamentary democracy'. It must be
'a party of a new type', organised in such a way as to enable it to fulfil
its role as revolutionary vanguard of the working class. It must be a party
guided by the compass of Marxism-Leninism.
12. WHAT IS DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM,
AND WHY DO MARXIST-LENINIST PARTIES NEED TO ORGANISE THEMSELVES ON ITS
PRINCIPLE?
In order to lead an army to
victory, its General Staff must put forward a single line of action to
the troops. If different generals were to put forward different lines of
action, their army would surely be defeated. A Marxist-Leninist Party must,
therefore, be based upon unity of will, and this is obtained by means of
the organisational principle of centralism: that is, decisions of higher
organs are binding upon lower organs and upon every Party member, while
decisions of majorities are binding upon minorities. This centralism must,
however, be democratic, not autocratic. There must be freedom of discussion
and criticism at all levels, the right to send statements to higher organs,
and all higher organs must be democratically elected, directly or indirectly,
by the membership. Members elect to higher organs those of their comrades
whom they believe to have the highest political level, the highest class
and Party loyalty, and they agree to accept their leadership -- unless
and until they cease to have such confidence, when the leaders may be,
and should be, removed by the same democratic process.
13. WHAT IS (i) STRATEGY, (ii)
TACTICS?
(i) Strategy is the determination
of the direction of the main blow which the working class should strive
to strike at a given stage of the revolutionary process.
(ii) Tactics is the determination
of the line of action which the working class should take in a particular
immediate short-term situation.
While the aim of tactics is
to win a particular battle, the aim of strategy is to win the war.
14. WHAT IS THE LABOUR MOVEMENT?
The various mass organisations
composed of working people. The trade unions are organisations of working
people in their capacity as employees. The cooperative societies are organisations
of working people in their capacity as consumers. The Labour Party, the
Communist Party of Britain, and the Socialist Labour Party are organisations
of working people in their capacity as electors.
15. WHAT SHOULD BE THE RELATION
OF THE MARXIST-LENINIST PARTY TO THESE MASS ORGANISATIONS OF THE LABOUR
MOVEMENT?
Although
these organisations -- by reason of their leadership, policies and dominant
ideologies -- serve essentially the interests of monopoly capital, they
are composed of working people -- and of working people of a somewhat higher
political level than those who yet remain outside the labour movement.
It is these working people who are destined to change the social system
to one of socialism. Marxist-Leninists must, therefore, work within the
trade unions and cooperative societies, where they must participate in,
and strive to win the leadership of, the day-to-day struggles of the working
people. Their aim must be to demonstrate, by devoted and selfless struggle
on behalf of the working people, that they are the most active fighters
for their interests; to win their confidence; and, by patient principled
work, to expose the reactionary leaders of these organisations and bring
about their replacement by leaders who are loyal to the working people.
Only if such
removal proves impossible, and is seen to be impossible by the mass of
the rank-and-file (because the leaders succeed in using their control of
the organisation's machinery to prevent the operation of internal democracy),
is it correct to draw the honest rank-and-file into new independent organisations
freed from the control of the labour lieutenants of the capitalist class.
Experience shows that the masses cannot be convinced of the need to take
the revolutionary road to socialism by means of propaganda and agitation
alone. The strategy of Marxist-Leninists must be designed to lead these
masses in their day-to-day struggles in such a way as to raise their political
consciousness as a result of their own experience in struggle, and in the
same way to win acceptance of the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist Party
among the working people as their vanguard organisation and to draw the
most politically advanced working people into the ranks of the Party.
_________________________________________________________
3) "A Short History of the Communist Party Soviet Union"; Moscow; 1939; p. 44-52; 136-138; 264-270.
4) Stalin: Trotskyism or Leninism?"; "Works"; Moscow 1953; Volume 6; p338-363; OR http://gate.cruzio.com/~marx2mao/Stalin/TL24.html
On Strategy And Tactics:
Stalin J.V.; In "Foundations
of Leninism"; Contained in "Works"; Volume 6; Moscow 1953; p. 155-175;
OR in "Leninism"; Section 7: Strategy & Tactics"; New York 1928; pp145-157;
OR
http://gate.cruzio.com/~marx2mao/Stalin/FL24.html#c7
On The Party and Democratic
Centralism
Section 8: "The Party"; In "Foundations
of Leninism"; Contained in "Works"; Volume 6; Moscow 1953; pp.175-193;
OR in "Leninism"; New York 1928; pp 161-175;
OR
http://gate.cruzio.com/~marx2mao/Stalin/FL24.html#c8